Tuesday Talk*: The Line Between Suasion And Coercion

During oral argument in Murthy v. Missouri, a few of the justices, whose prior experience with the government informed their perspective, raised that the government regularly sticks its nose into the  propriety of content in order to persuade media to say, or not say, things the government prefers, and there was nothing wrong with that.

Justices Brett M. Kavanaugh and Elena Kagan, both former White House lawyers, said interactions between administration officials and news outlets provided a valuable analogy. Efforts by officials to influence coverage are, they said, part of a valuable dialogue that is not prohibited by the First Amendment.

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson made a similar point.

[L]ike Justice Kavanaugh, I’ve had some experience encouraging press to suppress their own speech. You just wrote about editorial. Here are the five reasons you shouldn’t write another one. You just wrote a story that’s filled with factual errors. Here are the 10 reasons why you shouldn’t do that again. I mean, this happens literally thousands of times a day in the federal government.

It hardly seems unreasonable that the government would have a legitimate interest in persuading social media to remove false or dangerous content, particularly in this age of foreign adversaries intentionally introducing disinformation to cause harm, and the ubiquity of random private speakers “weaponizing” misinformation to further their cause. What’s wrong with the government wanting to protect the public from harm?

If government officials are merely resorting to persuasion, however vehement, that doesn’t by itself violate the First Amendment. Indeed, such suasion is is normal behavior for public officials.

It’s that “however vehement” caveat that raises rankles. As I wrote when the Fifth Circuit held that the First Amendment prohibits government from forcing social media enterprises to remove harmful content, no matter how nicely the government asks, there is always the implied “or else” that follows from refusing the government’s request. A mob capo doesn’t have to explicitly threaten to break your legs if you refuse to do as he nicely asks, but do you want to find out whether you’ll ever walk again?

Cynics might argue that Kavanaugh and Jackson are biased by their own experience in government service. But this distinction between suasion and coercion is inherent in the text of the First Amendment. The Free Speech Clause doesn’t restrict any and all government efforts to constrain speech. Rather it, bars government actions “abridging the freedom of speech” (emphasis added). If the state—or anyone—persuades a private entity to cut back on speech voluntarily, the freedom of speech has not been abridged, even if the total amount of speech may be reduced.

All of this is true, as were the justices assertions that the government has legitimate reason to try to persuade social media outlets to take actions it believes are in the public’s best interest. And as long as it’s merely persuasion, it does not implicate the First Amendment’s prohibition on abridging free speech.

But where is the line? How does one distinguish the government using prohibited coercion from the government using permissible suasion?

The Fifth Circuit found that there were implicit threats, although the facts relied upon have been called into dispute. Nonetheless, the rule to come out of the Supreme Court in Murthy should establish a test for the future of government takedown “requests” and not fixate only on disputed facts in the underlying case.

Unlike private parties making such requests, social media companies can ignore them at their leisure. It’s not as if they care about threats to sue and can’t handle the angry customer. The government, however, is in a very different position, empowered to impose its will or at least make life miserable for a social media company that refuses to be persuaded. Then again, social media is replete with misinformation and dangers, and the government has an undeniable interest in protecting the public from harm.

So where is the line? To say persuasion is fine but coercion isn’t is fine as far as it goes, but it provides no guidance on how to distinguish between the two. Flagrant threats are easy to recognize as coercion, but what about “nice internet you have there. It would be a shame it anything happened to it”? How does the government know how far it can go? How do the social media companies know when it’s safe to tell the government to get lost? And when the government gets involved in distinguishing truth from misinformation, should anyone accept what the government asserts to be its “truth”?

*Tuesday Talk rules apply.


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10 thoughts on “Tuesday Talk*: The Line Between Suasion And Coercion

  1. DaveL

    While I might not be certain where exactly the line lies, I’m quite certain that, once you’ve hauled tech CEOs before Congress several times and threatened them with adverse regulation, further “polite persuasion” does constitute coercion. That’s especially true if adverse regulatory actions actually do materialize when somebody refuses to play ball, as with the SEC investigation of Elon Musk, or the sudden opening of an IRS investigation into Matt Taibbi.

    I must say, when combined with her views on the Equal Protection clause in SFFA v. Harvard & UNC, I’m becoming increasingly alarmed at the emerging picture of Justice Jackson’s judicial philosophy. Hers is a vision of a pervasive, all-encompassing, highly paternalistic federal government.

    1. Mike V.

      In other words, that of a prototypical liber/progressive. And that is fine as long as she is consistent. It is the justices who seem to vary based on which side of the bed they got up on that morning that worry me.

    2. Christian L.

      Does anyone remember when Trump threatened to have the FCC revoke the broadcast license of NBC because of their news coverage? I do, but what I don’t remember was people in the government, press, or social media leadership at the time saying that it was OK for Trump to do that because of his free speech rights.

      Why is it so hard for people to imagine their worst enemies having the authority that they want to claim? Do they really think their team will never be out of power?

  2. L. Phillips

    We all seem to be content with the underlying assumption that “the public” is too dumb to winnow through the available content, opinion and lies and come up with their own decisions. Once again, we must be “protected”. The larger debate seems only to be over the correct messaging and volume of that protection.

  3. Elpey P.

    Boss insists he didn’t coerce his employee to have sex, he persuaded.

    Government has a greater interest in suppressing speech that is truth than in suppressing misinformation. Truth can be more threatening to specific parties, not just some squishy and exploitable “common good.” Misinformation is more effectively combatted with truth. Truth is combatted by labeling it “misinformation” and trying to suppress it.

    If government officials are suggesting the suppression of speech instead of countering it with better information, there’s probably a scandal behind it.

  4. Will J. Richardson

    Surely it is an analytical category error to equate a State persuading private parties to suppress speech the State deems misinformation and the State persuading private parties to promote speech the State deems truth. When I read the oral argument I am not sure all the justices recognize the distinction.

    1. Sacho

      These categories intersect*. Let us imagine a newspaper wanting to write about how abortions are evil. The govt tries to persuade them to write that abortions are good. The newspaper has the option of releasing their evil article – free speech. They could also release the good article – is it coercion or persuasion?

      *Theoretically, they could release both articles with competing viewpoints. This is untenable in modern discourse for a variety of reasons. Even then, the balance of speech is in question – if they feature the good article prominently, and constrain the evil one to a small paragraph, the question of coercion comes up again.

  5. The Infamous Oregon Lawhobbit

    Dotgov members are quite free to persuade the AUDIENCE, but should not be messing with the venue.

  6. Guitardave

    What a surprise.
    Their comprehension of 1A is about the same as KBJ’s comprehension of biology.

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