As Ken White notes, Chicago lawprof Eric Posner has never lost any sleep worrying about the impairment of free speech. While some of us think it matters, Posner shrugs. It’s not so much that he’s worried about silencing disagreeable ideas, but that he’s a pretty smart guy, kind of elitist, and just doesn’t think a lot of the dumb crap that, in his view, masquerades as free speech on the interwebs is worth protecting.
He’s not alone in flipping off words and ideas that he deems low value. There is a pretty large swathe of legal academia that has had enough of OPS (other people’s speech), though they don’t always agree on what constitutes speech of such insignificant value that it’s not worthy of protection. As for who decides what speech isn’t worthy, each prawf is auditioning for the position of Speech Czar, offering their services to the cause.
Posner’s latest audition isn’t grounded in the usual “your speech is nasty and brutish,” or “hurts my feelings,” but rather an old school approach, “protects us from death at the hand of the heathens.” To this end, he proposed his rule.
Never before in our history have enemies outside the United States been able to propagate genuinely dangerous ideas on American territory in such an effective way—and by this I mean ideas that lead directly to terrorist attacks that kill people. The novelty of this threat calls for new thinking about limits on freedom of speech.
Consider a law that makes it a crime to access websites that glorify, express support for, or provide encouragement for ISIS or support recruitment by ISIS; to distribute links to those websites or videos, images, or text taken from those websites; or to encourage people to access such websites by supplying them with links or instructions.
Posner tied his pitch together with an anecdote, which is always a dead giveaway for intellectual emptiness and an appeal to the ignorant. And he was swiftly taken to task for hitting sour notes during the talent portion of the audition.
Eric Posner is well-cast as the First Amendment’s nemesis: he represents everything it stands against. He represents obeisance to passing tastes about what is couth, clenched fists of power disguised as helping hands, suppression dressed up as order. He is the Foe.
But Posner sits in a distinguished chair purchased by Kirkland & Ellis, and needs not acknowledge the Jar Jar Binks of the First Amendment, allowing him to go passive-aggressive against his detractors, and reduce the criticism to straw men of his own making. Lawprofs are smart this way, and because their ideas are never low value and their scholarly cred is strong enough to elevate them above the fray, they get to play the game without shame.
The question, which no one seems to want to address, is whether social media and other forms of Internet-based communication create opportunities for radicalization that pose a threat to public safety. People have finally gotten around to admitting that the Internet poses a threat to privacy. I think in a few years the radicalization risks posed by the Internet will be too obvious to ignore. (Incidentally, law enforcement does not ignore the risks, nor do people who think about security for a living.)
It’s hardly that “no one seems to want to address” Posner’s rather obvious point, but that it’s neither in dispute nor much of a point. Of course tech provides new channels of communication. That creates opportunities for radicalization, as well as opportunities for everything else under the sun. He now characterizes his law as being “anti-propaganda,” by which he really means propaganda he likes is preferred over propaganda he doesn’t. He’s way too smart to admit this, of course, because then people would just make fun of him.
But then, what he did say left him exposed anyway.
The third generic argument is that once one makes an exception to broad protections for freedom of speech, the camel’s nose is under the tent, we have stepped onto a slippery slope, etc. These clichés are as dry as dust and not even true. Courts have constructed countless exceptions to the First Amendment’s apparent unconditional protection for speech, including exceptions for defamation, child pornography, copying, fraud, and more—and yet none of these exceptions have expanded to swallow up the rule.
Countless? Oh, Eric, you didn’t. But you did.
I recognize that “countless” is a figure of speech, and difficult to prove or disprove. But offered to the end of censorship by a law professor, I am comfortable calling it a lie. At a minimum it is dishonest and misleading, part of pro-censorship movement’s attempt to make Americans more ignorant about their civil rights.
Posner’s argument — that there are “countless” exceptions to the First Amendment and it’s perfectly natural to make more — is exactly the government’s we-should-have-power-to-censor argument that the Supreme Court flatly rejected in United States v. Stevens in 2010.
With speech and expression under assault from various quarters, from the cyber civil rights folks (your boy speech hurts our female feelings and makes us afraid to assert our girl speech) to hate speech to revenge porn, with few scholars willing to uphold intellectual honesty in the face of political goals, Posner no doubt expected he would get away clean with this cheap “countless” contention.
And there is a good chance he will, despite the Stevens decision where the Supreme Court made patently clear that it would not entertain the distinction of valued speech and speech the Czar contends is worthless.
Now I’m no Eric Posner hater. When he grounds his arguments in sound law, he can be very persuasive. But when he plays on the heartstrings of transient public sentiment, “passing tastes” as Ken calls them, he rolls in the mud with the rest of the advocates who try to pass off their feelz as legal argument.
So Posner believes that safety matters more than free speech, when it comes to speech that he finds unworthy? Then have the gumption to say so rather than wrap it up in argle bargle crafted to convince the foolish that the First Amendment is some loosey-goosey right that can be ignored whenever someone puts together a tear-jerker of an anecdote that must be stopped!!!
What Posner’s efforts reveal is the ease with which the public’s limited knowledge of the law is manipulated by those with a modicum of official credibility, combined with a sad story and current fashion trends. To grasp why his argument of “countless exceptions” is vapid, one would have to know some actual law.
That raises another complaint about the opportunities presented by the internet, which can either make us smarter or stupider depending on what one chooses to see. It doesn’t help when lawprofs play the game of making people stupider to get what they want. And it doesn’t help when people assume that lawprofs would never write incredibly stupid stuff, because it’s happening with alarming frequency these days.
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Dangerous, radical ideas have always circulated. Technology – the printing press, the telegraph, the telephone, radio, television and the internet – have made it easier to spread ideas. None of those things changed the fact that decent governments have no business deciding what people can read, think or talk about.
If my choice is to take my chances that:
(A) One of my neighbors will become radicalized by reading ISIS websites and kill me, or
(B) Trust that the Protect America Internet Radicalization Control Board will look out for me,
I’ll take (A).
Est enim iste doctor sodalis peccati censurae…
https://m.youtube.com/watch?v=aE9BpegPl1A
Posner, in his anti-free speech article, writes that in case “[o]ne worry about such a law is that it would discourage legitimate ISIS-related research by journalists, academics, private security agencies, and the like. But the law could contain broad exemptions for people who can show that they have a legitimate interest in viewing ISIS websites. Press credentials, a track record of legitimate public commentary on blogs and elsewhere, academic affiliations, employment in a security agency, and the like would serve as adequate proof.”
Given the number of exceptions he deems should be built into his ideal law, it seems a tacit acknowledgement of its anti-constitutional nature and a pathetic attempt to create enough exceptions as to enable it to barely pass constitutional review.
Furthermore, if you read a few of Posner’s articles he seems obsessed with returning the constitution to its pre-1960s interpretation. If his ideas weren’t so dangerous, they’d almost seem quaint in their “Happy Days” wistfulness.
“…broad exemptions for people who can show” has the unmistakable ring of shifting the burden, but it’s not like Posner suspects his audience would recognize such an impropriety.
What about the chilling effect? I have a track record on commenting on blogs, but I’d hate to spend a few months in prison on terrorism charges before I’d be able to convince the police that I am “Lurker at Simple Justice”, and further, qualify for that exemption.
Most likely, the prosecution would see these comments as an aggravating factor, not as a defense.
SHG,
I think that Posner is just fucking wit ya. More academic silliness wrapped in a cheap bow of seriousness.
If he believes what he wrote, he’s an idiot. If does not believe what he wrote, he’s merely a charlatan. Either way, this article deserves to be ignored.
All the best.
RGK
And yet, over at popehat, one commenter decries the use of the word “lie” as an ungenerous interpretation, perhaps not realizing that, as the keen judge grasps immediately, the obvious alternative is “idiot.”
My personal experiences with Professor Posner leads me to believe he is indeed sincere in his writings. If you’re looking for someone who will defend him against the ‘idiot’ charge, however, that person is not me.
Brief (maybe irrelevant) anecdote: I corresponded with Professor Posner about two years ago regarding some misguided assertions he made about Social Security overpayments (like “the government’s theory of recovery is based on common law unjust enrichment, rather than any specific statutory grant”, and “equity and good conscience must mean common law equitable principles, not what the agency says it means in their regulations, because I haven’t read the regulations”.) I would link the relevant blog posts, but this is borderline irrelevant anyway and against Scott’s policy. So: administrative law isn’t his strength, and apparently neither is Constitutional law. Sigh.
Presuming that Benjamin Franklin would still be considered to be a respectable source even if his behavior in the 18th century must pass muster under 20th century standards, could Professor Posner frame an answer to this elegant proposition:
“Those who would give up essential Liberty, to purchase a little temporary Safety, deserve neither Liberty nor Safety”
(Caveat: at Lawfare, Prof. Wittes notes this epigram was not spouted during a free speech debate ( https://www.lawfareblog.com/what-ben-franklin-really-said ) ).
You’re testing me with that flagrant link rule violation, right? But Ima let it go, because Wittes’ post is particularly valuable.
He’s using child pornography laws as an example of government trustworthiness?
They now arrest kids for taking pictures of themselves. And this is his example of government not abusing it’s power?
The poor kid got 11 years for aiding the terrorists. With Posner’s new kiddie-porn-analogue stop-them-before-they’re-real-criminals law, he probably wouldn’t have gotten more than 20. What’s your point?