Monthly Archives: January 2013

Why Is Sexually Abusing a Puppy Funny?

Some see this is a particularly bizarre crime story. Other see this as an opportunity to make jokes.  From Doug Berman at Sentencing Law and Policy :



It is often reported that child rapists are often treated as pariahs even among the most hardened criminal is prison.   Consequently, this stunning local sentencing story prompted the (serious?) question in the title of this post. The article — which has an ending that led me to double-check it wasn’t from The Onion — is headlined “N.Y. super who had sex with dog gets prison.”  Here are the details:



An apartment building superintendent who was caught on tape entering a unit and having sex with the tenant’s puppy was sentenced to prison Tuesday.



Alan Kachalsky thought something in his apartment was amiss for months — blinds drawn that had not been, a window left open that he had left shut.  But nothing ever went missing, and, fearing he may come off as paranoid, Kachalsky never went to the police. Instead, he set up three cameras and waited.  Kachalsky shared his apartment at the Rye Colony Cooperative Apartments with a male Labrador puppy, Gunner, who, unbeknownst to Kachalsky, was the real target of the burglar.


The burglar, it turned out, wasn’t there to steal anything, Kachalsky said Tuesday, but for something far more unimaginable.  Kachalsky, an attorney, said it never occurred to him that someone was returning to have sex with his dog.  Kachalsky turned over the video to police, who questioned and arrested Nicaj on Feb. 9, 2012, for sex acts against the 1-year-old dog committed the day before.


From there, it goes to a place I would never have imagined.


Given the apparent happy ending for the victims of this crime, I am not sure whether to encourage off-color jokes about this case or to engage in serious analysis of the prosecution of this peculiar puppy rapist.  Thus, I pose this dilemma to readers:




  • should we ponder, rigorously or comically, whether and how the victim dog’s tender age impacted the seemingly severe sentencing outcome?



  • should we worry, genuinely or jokingly, whether there are other puppy victims of this defendant who lacked the courage (and ability) to speak up about their abuse?



  • should we question, meaningfully or mirthfully, what the human victim here has now done with the contraband puppy porn than he inadvertently produced?



  • should we wonder, seriously or facetiously, whether upon release from prison the offender will be barred from going within 1000 feet of a pet store without prior approval of his probation officer?


Obviously, this is bizarre conduct, sufficiently off-the-charts nuts that it seem almost Onion-like. But it isn’t a joke, and bestiality (like necrophilia) happens.  Is this funny? Are we so jaded that we can indulge in dark humor to the extent reflected by this post?

There is nothing about what was done to a puppy that strikes me as humorous, even indirectly. This is just sick stuff.  Am I missing something here?





But For Video: The Chair in the Boulder County Jail

It’s straight out of some Kafkaesque nightmare, with the benign name of “the chair.”  From the Boulder Weekly :



It’s a restraint seat used by many jails to subdue inmates who pose a threat to themselves or others. It has wrist straps, ankle straps, a lap belt and a harness.

The rationale behind its existence not only makes sense, but seems imminently sensible. After all, it’s easy to imagine the person who has lost all control, becoming physically violent, unable to calm down.  Maybe it’s fear, or drugs, or mental illness, but the idea of putting someone in restraints when they pose a threat to themselves or others is hardly outrageous, and may be the most reasonable means of dealing with them.

But the potential for abuse is similarly obvious.



The thing is, inmates don’t always go peacefully into “the chair.”


And when they don’t, deputies are authorized to use what at first glance might be seen as violent methods to force compliance.


In official police reports, those methods carry names like “infra-orbital pressure point technique” or “straight punch to the chest.”


But inmates describe it more along the lines of getting beat up by out-of-control cops.

When violence is sanitized by technical jargon (infra-orbital?), it sounds almost surgical, as if someone who cared deeply developed a method carefully designed to achieve a beneficial purpose. To the person on the receiving end of the beating, it’s hardly so benign.

The article goes on the tell the story of Joshua Johnson.



By his own admission, Joshua Johnson became angry after he was taken to jail on Sept. 19, 2009, after being pulled over for a broken headlight. He felt he had been arrested wrongly, for violating an alcohol-related condition of a restraining order that he said had been lifted. In addition, he was supposed to pick up his daughter later that morning, but being incarcerated put a crimp in those plans.

This is the sort of situation ripe for an uncooperative person, a stop for a trivial offense, a wrongful arrest for a mistake and a daughter who would be left unattended, possibly at risk, when her father doesn’t show.  For a father, this is a pretty good reason to be “disruptive,” rather than the compliant, docile inmate the police prefer he be.  And Johnson was angry.


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Johnson says they came into his cell five deep, the red laser light of a Taser target shining on him, and he put his hands up. He says they cuffed him and backed him out of his cell, his arm twisted back hard. He was placed forcefully into the chair. According to Johnson, his face was slammed against his knee after he dared to look backwards, and he asked why they were hurting him. Johnson admits he called the deputy a “fucking cocksucker,” and says the officer straddled him and said, “I’m going to show you what a cocksucker I am.”


That deputy then lifted the inmate’s upper lip, Johnson says, pulled it up to his nose, put his palm underneath his lip and repeatedly jammed his hand up forcefully against the base of his nose for more than 60 seconds. Johnson says he heard squealing and later realized he was making the noise himself. He says he thought about biting the deputy’s pinky finger that was in his mouth, but thought the better of it. Johnson claims he managed to gasp that he couldn’t breathe, and the officer replied, “Yes, you can, because I just heard that.”


As he was about to pass out, Johnson says, another deputy punched him in the stomach.

The police explained that they used force to put him in the chair because they were concerned for his welfare.  They say that despite their efforts, Johnson continued to be “disruptive” and refused to stop when he was told that his continued disruptive conduct would not serve any beneficial purpose. In other words, he could either do as he was told or they would beat him.


One deputy “applied an infra-orbital control hold,” the aforementioned blows to the nose, which by one account “had little impact and he continued to resist.”

It doesn’t sound nearly as surgical when described as continued blows to the base of his nose.  The blows broke Johnson’s nose.

What makes this remarkable isn’t that it happened, but that there was no video of the chair.  The chair could be used for sound, protective purposes, as is its purported purpose, or for vindictive purposes to teach the noncompliant person who’s the boss.  Either way, the potential for harm and abuse is obvious and overwhelming.  Yet, given the ubiquity of video, the idea that there was no camera aimed at the chair, no way to know whether the screws story or Johnson’s story is accurate, is absolutely mind-boggling. 

We video street corners and parking lots, but don’t video a chair used for the forceful restraint of prisoners.  Naturally, they have an explanation:



There were never cameras there because video was used primarily to assist deputies with real-time surveillance, not recording, he explains, and there is an observation area looking directly out onto the day room, so there was no need.


Sheriff Joe Pelle tells BW that cameras have historically been used “as an operational tool to see places where deputies couldn’t see, so they weren’t everywhere. But then, a few years ago, attorneys started making requests for video and we noticed it started multiplying and it became apparent that this was more than just a management tool, it was being used for prosecutions and lawsuits.”


He agrees that the disciplinary day area is a good spot to add cameras.

After Johnson’s, and others’, allegations of abuse, the Boulder County Jail has decided to put a video camera in place to record what happened when force is used on prisoners to put them into the chair.  As Johnson notes: “When it’s their word against ours, they win every time. All I’m asking for is a transparent jail system.” 

The absence of video speaks volumes. Now that video is coming, it will be interesting to see what it shows.  And one can only hope that video is properly preserved and not accidentally lost or deleted as a corrections officer practices his “infra-orbital pressure point technique” on the video recorder.





The Law Professors’ New Clothes

While we’re sitting on hard benches waiting for cases to be called, the legal academy is hard at work reinventing our profession without us.   Massive drops in applications has made their attention imperative, even though there are still enough to fill the seats needed to pay the cost of scholarship. So what if law schools are cold-calling qualified applicants to entice them with Ginsu knives and financing packages? If you spell your name right on the LSAT, there’s a law school for you.

This is pretty embarrassing for law schools, forced to reduce the quality of new admits because the smart kids no longer want to lose three years and a bundle of debt to an education that will enable them to get a part-time barrista position. The more upstanding schools are cutting their class sizes, while the less upstanding ones are happily taking their rejects so they can afford the dean’s salary.

And they’re coming up with schemes to cure their ills.  You probably weren’t paying attention, because you were busy thinking about how to make your phone ring again, but what they come up with is going to affect you whether you care or not.

All these hungry little buggers they’re sending into the profession need to find a way to pay off their loans and keep their mommies from crying, and if you read their blogs and websites, they’re smarter, more aggressive, more caring and, yes, more experienced than you. Baloney, you say? Yeah. So what? They’re doing what they’ve got to do to survive, and niceties like integrity are for old guys. They’re fighting for their lives and, frankly, have completely rationalized ethics out of the picture. And since they are all brilliant (ask them, they’ll tell you), they see no net harm from a bit of puffery.

Just this week, here’s what the scholars came up with:

NYU wants to make a systemic change to law schools that would allow students to do law school in two years and take the bar.  The point is that it would cut the cost by a third, create a two-tier profession since some will stay for the full three years, and force law schools to make the third year more relevant.

While this could save some law students money, although at the cost of being second-class lawyers, it does nothing to make them more competent or to reduce the numbers of lawyers being spewed into a market that can’t absorb them and has no use for them.  Cool plan, bro.

Yale Law School announced that for its first-ever class of law Ph.D.’s, it has received 82 applications for five spots, thus disproving naysayers that nobody in their right mind would waste their time on a law Ph.D.  While it proves nothing of the sort, the thrust toward a scholarly doctorate is happening while one of the core failings of law school is its inability to produce lawyers with the capacity to do anything remotely associates with what lawyers do.  What are the chances that creating a new cadre of scholars, even more detached from the practice of law, is going to produce better qualified lawyers?

It’s not surprising that there are 82 people interested in the program. Lots of people, myself included, are interested in scholarly pursuits, and feel themselves better suited to churning out law review articles than showing kids the tricks of the trade or how to schmooze the clerk to get your papers filed.  But if we assume that the only place these doctors can get jobs is law schools, then this seems to be heading in the opposite direction of producing functional lawyers. While I’ve got nothing against law docs (that’s doctors, not documents), they’re the last thing we need in law schools.

Lawprof Steve Diamond, who is recovering from involuntary proctology exam by the scambloggers for his market oriented “let them eat cake” approach to solving the problem, has come up with a new initiative, which he modestly calls “Lawyers for America.”


It would offer young unemployed or underemployed lawyers the chance to practice law serving an underserved community under the supervision of existing lawyers. One example: there are many thousands of small businesses in our poor and immigrant communities, including cleaning, housekeeping, gardening, construction and other services.  Many of these could be organized as LLCs thus shielding their owners from personal liability. This requires legal help.  These entities could use other legal advice as well. A legal service organization would be established in major urban areas that could provide these services.

The supervising lawyers could earn CLE or pro bono credit for their time. The law students would be provided a stipend for living expenses and more importantly would earn credits for debt relief. Every year of full time service would earn them 20% cancellation [sic] of their outstanding debt.

There will be a sign-up sheet passed around for you supervising lawyers, and we’re trying to negotiate with Costco to accept your pro bono credit for food.  The law students, of course, don’t have to eat, so no worries on that end.  And the karma gained from helping businesses in poor and immigrant communities will obviously form the basis for a thriving and successful law practice going forward, provided your career is limited to representing businesses in poor and immigrant communities, and when you have kids, they don’t want to eat either.

Then Bill Henderson, at the Legal Whiteboard, has finally published his Part II to his book review of Brian Tamanaha’s Failing Law Schools (a mere eight months after Part I), except instead of a blog post, it’s now a law review article. How cool is that? It’s called A Blueprint for Change, which starts with embracing futurist crackpot Richard Susskind, that all law outside the courtroom will be commoditized and either shipped overseas or done by nonlawyers.

Despite this, Bill doesn’t call for the closing of law schools or the death of self-serving scholarship, because that would piss off the professoriate and nobody would be willing to join his consortium of law schools where 12% of scholars would create a paradigm shift, which he equates with the “Apollo Project,” of “competency-based curriculum.”  No, that doesn’t mean practice-ready:



“Practice-Ready” is Not Enough. Despite the rebukes often received from the practicing bar, for most law schools an emphasis on “practice-ready” skills will be insufficient to cope with the structural changes occurring within the legal industry. Granted, it is true that better skills training will enable law school graduates to better compete for the finite number of traditional legal service jobs that will be available in the years to come. But, to be blunt, in a world that is getting pulled in Susskind’s continuum from bespoke to commoditized, practice-ready skills training will not change the total number of traditional legal jobs available to law school graduates. Moreover, one of greatest dangers of the “practice ready” solution is that we law professors will too readily conclude that we don’t need to leave the building—that is, engage with profession and the industry— to find a solution. Our schools would just need to hire more clinicians. Yet, this is a very expensive solution that fails to address the longer-term systemic employment problems.

What does it mean? I can’t tell, except that they can spend the next decade writing law review articles on their empirical experience with it. So what if Bill’s prescription solves nothing now. It’s all going to change anyway, according to Susskind, we’re just spinning wheels as everybody becomes a lawyer for 15 minutes. 

Notably, the Blueprint for Change assumes that all lawyers will work for big law firms, government or corporations, because, you know, it’s not like the vast majority of lawyers are solo or small firm now.  But then, that’s what would be expected of a Susskind apostle, since in his future, there will be no need for toilet lawyers do the banal work that will be taken over by computers and LegalZoom.

If I recall correctly, the problems facing law schools involve excessive expense, declining enrollment, declining standards, producing many times more lawyers than there are jobs or society can absorb, producing lawyers who are wholly unprepared to practice, producing lawyers who adore situational ethics, serving the population that needs but can’t afford legal representation, and flushing their problems into our profession to deal with.

So while we’re sitting on hard benches wondering whether a new logo will bring us wealth and prestige, the professoriate is vying for the new paradigm without us, hoping that whoever wins the game will get a statue of himself built outside Harvard Law School. 

Are any of these schemes going to make a better legal profession? For a bunch of smart people, these schemes strike me as pretty darned inadequate, both for law students, for the profession or, most importantly, for clients.  But then, if we leave it up to the lawprofs, what should we expect?

Windy City Cops Claim Another

Via Turley, the story is troubling on more levels than I could imagine.

[Christina] Eilman was arrested and held overnight after she was found behaving strangely at Midway Airport. She was having a bipolar meltdown. She continued to display obvious signs of mental illness when the police simply released the former UCLA student into the high-crime neighborhood around the Wentworth District police station. She was wearing short shorts and a cut-off top and was near the exceptionally dangerous Robert Taylor homes project.

[S]he was kidnapped and raped before she fell from the seventh floor of a public housing apartment building.


The fall from the building left her with a devastating brain injury and several broken bones, including a shattered pelvis. She now requires around-the-clock care.


The Chicago Police Department settled the case for $22.5 million after six years of fighting it. While in police custody, her parents told the police that she was bi-polar, making the situation sufficiently outrageous that even 7th Circuit Judge Frank Easterbrook noted :


Eilman was in an acute manic phase. She did not tell the police about her mental-health background, however, and was uncooperative after her arrest—sometimes refusing to answer questions, sometimes screaming, sometimes providing false or unresponsive answers. Phone calls from her mother and her stepfather told officers in Chicago that Eilman had bipolar disorder, but the officers did not believe the stepfather (they thought that the call was fake), and the officer who took the calls from Kathleen Paine, Eilman’s mother, failed to tell anyone else or record the information in Eilman’s file. While Eilman was in custody, some officers thought that she was just being difficult, some thought that she was on drugs (expert reports relate that methamphetamine could cause similar symptoms), some thought that she was no worse than the run of loud and uncooperative people who don’t want to be in custody, and those who thought that she needed mental-health care were ignored or overruled.

Inherent in the fault is pretty much every trope and prejudice that is typically used by the police against defendants. High crime area. The implicit assumption that a white girl in somewhat revealing clothing is almost certainly a target for rape by black men in the projects.  And that’s exactly what happened, this time.

The police should have known that the woman in custody was suffering from mental illness, but that would have required them to both think and care. The only time those two things happen simultaneously is when it personally affects a cop. If a police officer had scraped his thumb during her capture, you can bet the farm that he would have been taken straight to the hospital.

That they could chalk up this crazy white girl to just another druggie, another pain in the ass, was sufficient to absolve themselves of any concern for the person in custody.  She hadn’t done enough wrong to get anyone a medal for arresting her, and was too much trouble to keep around.  Just get rid of her as quickly as possible, and so they did.  She signed off an a personal recognizance bond and walked out of the stationhouse. 

This raises some questions that aren’t as easily answered.  While Eilman should not have been arrested or released, as she was suffering from a manic phase of mental illness that a reasonable person would have believed required medical treatment, was it wrong to let her walk out of the stationhouse and into the “high crime area” of the projects?

The gut reaction is that this was just inexplicably stupid, lazy and dangerous. The cops, of all people should have known the risk they were subjecting her to, particularly in light of her mental state.  Would it be different if the ghetto was comprised of fine single family houses occupied by white families?  See the problem?

Are we to assume, as a matter of law, that it’s negligent, if not reckless, to let a white girl in a shirt that exposed her midriff stroll into a poor black neighborhood?  Why is that? Are poor blacks so likely to rape white girls? Mentally ill girls? Girls wearing shirts that expose their midriff?  How much prejudice belies the assumptions that make the conduct of the Chicago police monumentally stupid?

There is, of course, a far clearer answer to the wrong done to Christina Eilman by the cops. Having taken a person into custody whose mental state, for whatever reason, was insufficiently stable to be able to negotiate her way to safety, the police assumed a specific duty to make sure she was not harmed upon her release.  They could have taken her to the hospital. They could have returned her to the airport, where they found her, though that would have accomplished nothing. They could have told her parents, with whom they spoke (and note how well the police document stuff that doesn’t suit their need to convict), to come get her or make arrangements for someone to get her as she could not be safely released on her own. 

There were options. The police used none of them. Instead, they did what was easiest for them, which was nothing to assure the safety of an unstable person in their custody.

But, the harm that gave rise to a $22.5 million settlement was the rape and brain damage that followed her fall from a seventh story window after the rape.  Was that foreseeable?  Should it have been foreseeable?  In the real world, the answer is probably yes, but then we concede things about ourselves and our society that we spend an awful lot of time denying.

This all could have been avoided if the Chicago cops had made the slightest effort to care for Christina Eilman’s safety and welfare. 

Cheating, Lying and Learning

Lance Armstrong took performance enhancing drugs. He said so, so we know, even though everyone was certain before he came out with Oprah. The  New York Times reports:


With Winfrey, he lost his icy stare and buried his cutting words. Looking nervous and swallowing hard several times, he admitted to using through most his cycling career a cocktail of drugs, including testosterone, cortisone, human growth hormone and the blood booster EPO.

To get this out of the way, he cheated in his sport, which is itself a lie. Then he lied about lying. Then he beat up on anyone who called him a liar and a cheat, which, in his own word, made him a bully. And he took people’s money based upon his lies and cheating. 

But as low his natural testosterone may have been, his ability to rationalize remained intact.


He called his doping regimen simple and conservative, rejecting volumes of evidence by the United States Anti-Doping Agency that the drug program on his Tour de France-winning teams was “the most sophisticated, organized and professionalized” doping scheme in the history of cycling.

He said that he was not the kingpin of the doping program on his teams, as the antidoping agency claimed, and that he was just doping the way the rest of his teammates were at the time.

He said he had doped, beginning in the mid-1990s, through 2005, the year he won his record seventh Tour. He said that he took EPO, but “not a lot,” and that he had rationalized his use of testosterone because one of his testicles had been removed during his battle against cancer. “I thought, Surely I’m running low,” he said of the banned testosterone he took to gain an edge in his performance.

What distinguishes Armstrong is that his seven Tour de France wins made him a national hero. Americans didn’t win bike races, and then Armstrong came along and blew everybody off the road. We started watching cycling on TV, rooting for the guy who lost a testicle to cancer and still did the undoable. We put him on a pedestal. He wanted to be on that pedestal.  He wanted it too much.

His “defense” hasn’t done a thing to soften his fall. So the allegations against him were in some respects exaggerated?  So everybody was doing it? So he decided that he was entitled because of his personal condition?  It’s not like he murdered anyone. Does this change anybody’s mind about him? Of course not. 

Even if international cycling was rife with doping during the time Armstrong prevailed, making him perhaps the best doped up cyclist of the rest of the doped up cyclists, That’s still not going to cut it. 

But what is striking about the confession and rationalization is that it’s not much different from what criminal defendants tell their lawyers every day.  Change the part about cheating in the Tour de France with selling cocaine, the part about conservative use of EPO with the number of kilos sold, the loss of a testicle to cancer with a childhood of abandonment and neglect, and the parallels come into focus.

True, the guy sitting across from the lawyer is no Lance Armstrong, but then, the lawyer isn’t Oprah. 

As it turns out, Lance Armstrong isn’t an American hero. This is a shame, as we could use some heroes, but not this way.  He is, however, very much American. His desire to reach the pinnacle of achievement in his niche drove him to do what he should never have done.  He was no Kim Kardashian or Paris Hilton, so he had no option but to excel in something if anyone was to notice and adore him. It is so very American to want to be adored.

And how could he possibly win if he didn’t dope up like his competition? The small lie to himself led to the big lies that followed.  They usually do, as defendants start with one small crime, “just this once,” which gets immensely easier after you get away with it.  And so they do it again, and they do it more and harder, until they’re up to their eyeballs in it, clueless how they got in so deep.

The whole psychology of excuse is fascinating, as tough guys look at you with puppydog eyes, silently pleading for you to believe that they didn’t really mean for it to get so bad.  It just happened.

We argue on behalf of our clients at sentence about the hardships they endured in their lives, the small bad choice that ballooned into the downward spiral that engulfed their life.  We talk about the good they’ve done, the people who love them, the people they love.  And we hope that a judge with mercy in her heart will not be harsh in her judgment.

Lance Armstrong didn’t kill anyone. He didn’t put poison into the arms of children. And yet, it’s hard to feel merciful toward him, as he was such a pathological liar.  And he broke our hearts, even if it was about such a silly thing as riding a bike.  Any cognitive dissonance here?

While he will never again be an American hero, there is no reason for us to ignore the gift that Lance Armstrong offers criminal defense lawyers and our clients. There is much we can offer our clients from the experience of this fallen angel, and of our reaction to his fall from grace.  It would be a shame to waste this opportunity, as we’ve spent too much time thinking about some random guy on a bicycle who doped himself up for glory. Let this not be a total waste.


From Focus to Warm and Fuzzy (Update)

When Robb Fickman was the president of the Harris County Criminal Lawyers Association, he did something that mattered.  He put his ass on the line by  taking a position that angered people in power, challenging a sitting judge who acted like a tyrant.  By doing so, he courted retaliation. Robb didn’t care.

The judge he grieved, Joan Campbell, is retiring,  Chron reporter Brian Rogers writes a glowing homage to this fine jurist for the time she wasn’t cruel and arbitrary, but instead did the job for which she was paid.  What a wonderful judge.  How good of her to be thoughtful in sentencing one defendant. When someone retires, graciousness dictates that we only remember the good, as if the bad never happened.

But Fickman chooses not to be gracious, just as he wasn’t afraid of the potential retaliation against him.   Mark Bennett questions whether Fickman’s strength and boldness has given way to a different perspective.



I say, “the criminal-defense bar’s view,” but of course there is more than one view represented in Harris County’s criminal-defense bar. Some criminal-defense lawyers—at least one of whom aspires to be the next president-elect of the Harris County Criminal Lawyers Association—would vocally disagree with Fickman telling the truth about Campbell. These lawyers take the position that “we should avoid making enemies” is a good excuse for not doing the right thing. They would rather give judges (metaphorical?) handjobs or kolaches than file judicial-conduct complaints.

Maybe there’s some variant of entropy that applies only to criminal defense lawyer bar associations, where they start out bold and purposeful, with a clear understanding of why they exist and whose voice they express. But over time, the strong grow old and weary, and new people come into the organization. The old were there out of a sense of duty, and they were willing to risk their personal comfort and welfare to achieve greater goals. 

The new come in for other reasons, some because they want to go from unknowns to players in the field, or seek validation, or want to network, are joiners, like the kids nobody notices in high school who are in every club.  These are not the sort of people who take risks. They certainly won’t put themselves as risk.

Criminal defense lawyers love telling people they are the gladiators of the legal system, gunslingers who are ready at a moments notice to stare down Goliath with their slingshot at the ready. it’s so romantic, and fills their bloomers with self-worth.  Maybe they are when facing the institutionally acceptable enemy, though most collapse like an empty suit when the mere hint of a threat against them is uttered.  Tough guys, until it isn’t easy.

There is an aphorism that covers this situation, much as there is one that suffices to justify whatever people want to do:


You can catch more flies with honey than vinegar.

Be nice to judges. Don’t make waves. Don’t challenge them or, when they do wrong, call them out.  That, the new guys say, is how we should be. Don’t make enemies.  It’s less a belief than a rationalization for wimpiness. They’re afraid, and this is how they explain why they cower in the corner whenever they are asked to pick sides.



Robb Fickman is made of sterner stuff than the H&K crowd. He belongs to the criminal-defense wing of the criminal-defense bar. If something needs saying, Fickman is not going to be deterred by the fact that saying it will make him enemies.


Fickman is a real criminal-defense lawyer, and that’s what real criminal-defense lawyers do. By definition, the job requires bucking the opinion of the majority. When we are doing the job, we say the things that nobody wants to admit are true; we point out that the emperor has no clothes; we save Frankenstein’s monster from the mob. So the mob doesn’t much care for us.

That’s right. Nobody likes us. Not the judges. Not the prosecutors. Not even the clients. Nobody.  While it may well be that they don’t dislike you nearly as much if you just sit there with your mouth shut and do nothing, that’s not the same as liking you.  Yet you are willing to fade into non-existence, pointlessness, to avoid anyone thinking ill of you?

It was bad enough when I watched this happen in my own home, the New York State Association of Criminal Defense lawyers, compelling me to resign as vice-president, and again as a board member, in disgust after I personally failed to sway enough people to put themselves at risk by focusing on the mission of the institution.  The mission, always couched in a lovely platitude, honored in the breach.

I’m told that we must be less aggressive, less offensive, less strident, or we will make people angry with us.  And so the best we can do is ride the coattails of the bold, pale facsimiles of those who aren’t afraid of being the first to take a stand.  Or worse, get so caught up in arguing amongst ourselves that we end up doing nothing. Stand for nothing. Be nothing. But at least no one was offended.

It’s painful to watch this happen to the HCCLA, as the warm and fuzzy voices of not making waves predominate.  A judge may do harm to their clients, but better to not offend the judge and stay on their good side.  After all, if they act, the judge might get angry with them and, oh my god, do something.  They tremble at the very idea of someone being angry with them.

There has to be a name for this phenomenon. It happens too regularly for there not to be. But no matter how warm and fuzzy the view, there is one immutable fact that remains. The powerful will still hate us because of who we are, and the lies we tell ourselves won’t change that.

Update:   Mark Bennett explains how I completely misapprehended the situation with the HCCLA by projecting my assumptions onto his scenario. The truth is that it never occurred to me, not for an instant, that what he wrote about could have possibly been different than my experience. 

This shows the power ot assumptive thinking and projection, and one can be utterly wrong without ever considering alternatives.  My bad, and my apologizes to Fickman and the young bucks of Harris County. 

Bringing Reality to Bear on the Aaron Swartz Tragedy

After the first 36 hours following Aaron Swartz’s suicide, the internet was awash in commentary. While well-intended, perhaps, it was awful.  Simplistic, ignorant memes, fueled by confirmation bias and the burning desire to identify an easily digestible enemy and punish her, prevailed. It helped no one to assert, and spread, and persist in spreading, facile arguments neatly tied up in a black bow.

A few brave souls challenged the prevailing anger of the internet, of the Hacktivists, of the geek community, who demanded a villain who committed a singular act worthy of the rage.  That came in the views of former criminal defense lawyer, former federal judge, now Harvard Lawprof Nancy Gertner, and Agitator turned HuffPo writer Radley Balko. In contrast to the childish nonsense of Millhiser’s 10 Worse Crimes piece, these reflected not only a return to sanity, but thoughtfulness based on reality.

In the interim, Massachusetts United States Attorney Carmen Ortiz  issued a statement defending her office’s actions in the case, Silicon Valley Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren introduced an amendment to the CFAA, naturally called “Aaron’s Law” as the rule that every death requires a new law remains in full force and effect. 

In a bow to gestalt, the Hacktivists were certain that the persecution of Swartz was a product of Ortiz’s personal political ambitions. Similarly, they saw the law as criminalizing what they did every day, and thus needed changing. While there were kernels of truth to all of these beliefs, as there almost always are, it diverted attention from core problems that Aaron Swartz, and indeed, all criminal defendants, faced.  As I urged in my earlier post, this wasn’t just about Aaron. He was just one warm body in a system that sucked the life out of many.  That his body went cold made his case stand out.

Orin Kerr at Volokh Conspiracy wrote an initial post on the case about the  efficacy of the charges against Swartz.  No reasonably knowledgeable lawyer doubted the feds could stick the charges. Certainly, Aaron Swartz’s lawyers didn’t laugh them off as meritless. But given the breath of attention the charges were given by non-lawyers and lawyers unfamiliar with criminal law, it was necessary to spell it out.

In a second post, Orin attempts to deal with the far harder questions surrounding the  propriety of the charges as a matter of prosecutorial discretion.  The post is long and addresses some very difficult questions, and I can’t remember Orin ever treading so gingerly over tough issues.

I suspect he recognizes the volatility of the case, and respects the intelligence and integrity of those who will not be inclined to agree with him.  In a post like this, it is essentially impossible to not to have others disagree with at least some portion of his analysis. That he took this risk is worthy of respect, even though there will be no shortage of disagreement on points large and small. 

A few core themes have developed across the articles and posts of those who aren’t blinded by tears or anger, and these are the things that will hopefully transcend the ignorance spread to rally the troops whose concerns are limited to the prosecution of one person, the suicide of one person, and the enemy of one person.  Aside from the harping on half-truths and utter nonsense, there is a groundswell of recognition that the extant prosecutorial posture across this nation has seized too much power and that the system is rife with abuse. 

Yes, Carmen Ortiz had the authority to reign in her zealous prosecutors, and her failure to do so falls squarely on her shoulders.  Whether this was for any personal benefit or not is irrelevant, as prosecutors everywhere do exactly as she did every day, most of whom have no higher ambitions. It’s just they way they roll, even though it never interested the people before who now use laser-focus to find answers that make sense to them.

No, Aaron Swartz never really faced 35 years in prison. The stacking of counts happens in every case, and every federal crime has a statutory maximum, but that isn’t the way we calculate exposure. Ortiz says her office was going to recommend a sentence of six months upon a plea. Does that change a lot of minds about the risk? It should.

A fellow who was acquitted the other day spent a year in jail awaiting trial.  Near as I can tell, I’m the only who gives a damn. Is his life not as worthy as Aaron Swartz’s?  It’s an unfair question, of course. It’s not that his life is less important, but that he’s unknown and friendless. Aaron Swartz was well know and loved within his community. It’s only natural that his friends and admirers take notice. But notice without context creates a false impression, and that gives rise to mistaken assumptions about what happened to Swartz.  Such mistaken assumptions do no one any good and make no one any more knowledgeable.

The most controversial aspects of Orin’s post address the political nature of the case and the punishment.  There are two primary aspects that compel debate, whether Aaron Swartz’s open choice to engage in civil disobedience to further his beliefs was an invitation for punishment, and if so, what punishment was appropriate.  On the first, Orin contrasts the value of democratically enacted laws with individual political views, a paradigm that some (myself included) question because of a certain lack of faith in the concept of democratically enacted laws. Any attempt at further discussion of this point would go on at great length, so it will have to wait for another day.

However, Orin contends that those who engage in civil disobedience do so with the intention of being punished, the punishment being the means by which they protest the status quo and bring their issue to the attention of others. While I agree that they intentionally risk punishment, I can’t adopt the view that they seek it. The purpose is well-served by letting others know that they’ve bested their adversaries and challenged the status quo.  Imprisonment isn’t necessary to accomplish their purpose.

As to what purpose is served by punishment, which is a necessary precursor to what punishment would fulfill that purpose, I have no answer worthy of your time to read. That the discussion has moved beyond the nonsense is what matters, and that people are thinking about real questions with real information in an intelligent way is what makes this discussion worthwhile.

Aaron Swartz’s death is a tragedy, but not the only tragedy.  Honor him by doing what he did in his life. Think hard. Stand for something.  Act upon it.

Not Client-Safe

Note: While many readers aren’t particularly interested in the problems facing new lawyers, I am, as I believe their problems to be integral to problems facing the profession as a whole.  For those unaware, a great many law students and new lawyers read Paul Campos’  Inside the Law School Scam and Above the Law . They don’t read SJ, and many who do find it less than hospitable or sympathetic.

Much as I may be critical of those perceived to be the “enemies” of young lawyers, I’m similarly critical of the young lawyers as well. They can’t handle criticism, and have no use for introspection. Yet, they matter, and so I persist even though many of you ask me to stop writing about the profession and write only about the practice of criminal defense or the evils of its hated enemies. Tough nuggies. I write about what I want. Get over it.


Campos  posts a letter received by a new lawyer who, apparently, has decided that the best place to cut his teeth is criminal defense. What a shock. This should strike fear in the hearts of many here:


Your comment about the 25-year-old nervous defense lawyer really struck home for me.

I wanted to suggest that you write a post about the result of the flood of new lawyers, especially in urban areas like New York City, with huge debt and growing desperation. I will admit that eight months ago, when I showed up to my first court date with my first client, I almost crapped myself. No amount of Mock Trial, Moot Court, public speaking, or internship shadowing can prepare a new lawyer for showing up to a simple court date without knowing a damn thing about what to do. I read an entire practice guide, just to show up and turn in a basic omnibus motion. When the judge asked me questions, I just nodded my head.

The judge and prosecutor knew that I was green. They both had a similar expression on their face: something between annoyance and pity.

What unmet need was filled here?  Nowhere is it mentioned that this young lawyer stood beside a person who thought he had a lawyer defending him. Heh. Silly person.  To his credit, the writer at least recognized that he was clueless. To his discredit, he “just nodded [his] head.” One can only wonder what rights he waived.

In response to the post about Judge Kane’s fix, a commenter asked, and pursued with vigor, the only question that seems to matter to young lawyers: What can you do for me? The thrust was to find an “answer” to the problem of young lawyers who are nowhere near client-safe but need to do something with their diploma.  The problem is that there are two flaws in the question.

The first flaw is that there is “an answer.” There are a thousand answers, none of which will necessary work for any individual and none of which will work for all. The notion of an answer, whether magic bullet that will make all their nightmares disappear, or even a long-term, hard-fought solution that will guarantee the future they so desperately desire, is misguided.

Even when times weren’t nearly as tough as they are now, there was no answer. Every law school graduate made choices, found the path he or she thought was right, and gave it a go. Some succeeded. Some didn’t. The idea that there was a time when every law school graduate achieved comfort and respectability is nonsense. The dead bodies of unsuccessful and miserable law school graduates have always littered the road. There are just more of them today.

The second flaw is that there should be an “answer” that addresses the needs of young lawyers, disconnected from the rest of the legal profession. The legal profession does not exist to provide law school graduates with something to do during the dan and enough money to pay off their loans and get a happy hour beer. It exists to serve clients. No matter how desperate young lawyers may be about their circumstances, their plight always remains secondary to the needs of clients. 

comment to Campos’ article also strikes a curious note:


I do not understand the vitriolic response to a solo practice. People in this forum make it seem like being a solo is deplorable. I started a solo practice about a year and a half ago after I was sick and tired of doing document review. I went to a T-30 law school. My first year of practice was grueling and I made a lot of mistakes. Lucky I did not try any major felonies until I got a lot more experience. However, I learned.

Well, it’s not like he tried any major felonies until he had a clue, right? But in fairness, he offers this astute clarification:


Judges could tell I was brand new and helped me along. My first few clients understood I was new and they were taking a chance on me.

There is a place for clients to take risks with their lives by entrusting them to rookies, provided they understand the risks they are taking. Mind you, the kindness of judges isn’t exactly a substitute for the competency of counsel, and while clients may understand that a lawyer is new, they may not appreciate the implications of that fact.  After all, new lawyers pass the bar exam, and are thus declared competent by the state, right? Right?!?

But then, the commenter goes and blows it with this assertion:


Young Solos need the experience so they will get it at the expense of their client, but how is that any different from a first year associate getting their experience at the expense of a large corporate client’s war chess.

The inability to understand the distinction, that the experience of a young solo is nothing at all like the experience of a first year associate in a big firm, is disconcerting enough.  The assertion that a baby lawyer’s need for experience properly comes at the expense of a client, however, is the stuff of nightmares.

How to become client-safe is a damn good question, for which there is no simple answer.  I am a strong believer in mentoring, where young lawyers develop close relationships with more experienced lawyers to help guide and mold them so that they are not a walking, talking, head-nodding fiasco. But even that won’t work for everybody. There is no sure-fire answer.

But that never means that it’s acceptable that a young lawyer’s desire for experience comes at the expense of clients.  Nothing about what we do comes at the expense of clients, or there is no reason for lawyers to exist at all. Does that mean you waste your money on law school tuition? If you don’t care to be client-safe, then it does.







Guilty in Acquittal

It wasn’t a big story, buried on page A25 of  Newsday’s dead tree version, but it still spoke volumes. Ann Givens writes:


A Nassau jury has acquitted a Lynbrook man on charges that he raped a woman during a home invasion and robbery last year, lawyers said.


Wiseallah Hightower-Castro, 25, of Starks Place, was acquitted of all the charges against him, including first-degree rape, committing a criminal sexual act, robbery, burglary, criminal use of a firearm, assault and criminal possession of a weapon, his lawyer and a spokesman for the Nassau district attorney said.


He has been in the Nassau County jail for a year.


Defense lawyer Joseph Hanshe, of Sayville, told jurors that police had falsified a written confession by his client. Hanshe also said that the victim in the case had failed to properly identify Hightower-Castro as the man who attacked her.


Aside from these four graphs, the rest of the story came almost straight from  the original story about the arrest of the defendant.  Even within the second paragraph, the recitation of each charge emits the same stink of accusation, tying Hightower-Castro to the rape, as if he was convicted.  Name + Charges = Taint

But the inherent bias is palpable when Givens later writes:




Hightower-Castro was arrested in January 2012 after police said he and two other men forced their way into a Grove Street home while a 22-year-old man was visiting his godmother there.


The other two men were never found.


No, no, no. The three men were never found, because the one man they did find was the wrong man.  He was acquitted, Ann. Acquitted. That means he was not the man, and hence there can be no “other two men,” but only all three men.

And why recount the police accusations or Hightower-Castro’s arrest?  Why recount the details of what the defendant was alleged to do in a story about his acquittal?  Instead of a story about a false confession and bad identification, this was a story repeating all the ugliness of the crime connected to the criminal who got away with it.



Granted, Wiseallah Hightower-Castro has a name that many of the readers of Newsday will find troubling, almost criminal in their prejudiced views toward anything relating to Allah.  Sure, he looks pretty darned criminal-like, being a young black man, more than sufficient for many readers of Newsday to convict on that basis alone.

Mind you, this happened in Nassau County, Long Island, not a place where acquittals come often or easy.  The fact that a jury acquitted someone alone is pretty big news. The fact that a jury acquitted on the basis of a false confession should be huge. That it was a false confession combined with a mistaken identification should be monumental. 

At the very least, Newsday should have run a quarter page photo of criminal defense lawyer Joseph Hanshe for his work on this case. He deserves no less.

But what I suspect happened is that Ann Givens was told to write up the story in ten minutes, with a line or two of information about the acquittal.  And so, she cribbed from the original story to fill the allotted space, and gave it no more thought than she would if she had to pick off the fast food dollar menu.  Maybe less.

So Wiseallah Hightower-Castro is no O.J.Simpson? That’s true. But he is a human being who was accused of a heinous crime and, after trial by jury, found not guilty.  He is a human being who spent a year in jail awaiting trial, after which he was found not guilty. He is a human being who was arrested, charged and held because of a false confession and a mistaken identification, and found not guilty.

That’s pretty big news. It’s big to the defendant. It’s big to all of us.  Even when the defendant isn’t a celebrity, or a well-known member of the community, or a politician, or white.

No one can give him back the year he lost in jail. No one can give him back a reputation untainted by allegations of rape and robbery.  But someone could have given him the dignity of a public acknowledgement that he endured the legal system and prevailed, with sufficient emphasis on how the defendant was the victim of a false confession and mistaken identification.  Ann Givens could have done that. But she didn’t. Not even close.

And no, it is not accurate that the other two men were not found, Ann. That’s the whole point of an acquittal. Sure, the crime and arrest are far more salacious than the acquittal, and pander to the passion and prejudices of Newsday readers. But the acquittal would have made a damn fine story too, if only anyone put in the time to make it so.

But then, take a look at Hightower-Castro’s mugshot. Who cares about this guy. After all, if they didn’t convict him this time, they’ll get him next time, right? Isn’t that the assumption about all young black men?

Counsel of Choice

The Sixth Amendment to the United States Constitution provides:


In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence.

The scope of the final clause was the subject of argument fifty years ago today, and the Supreme Court ultimately held that no person should be denied the assistance of counsel for his defense because he could not afford a lawyer. 

It was heady stuff, given that there was no argument about whether his lawyer had to be awake during the entire trial. As has become common in such big decisions, the enormity of the creation of a fundamental right gets whittled down to its lowest common denominator as time goes on until the giant oak returns to being an acorn.  What begins its life as “fundamental safeguards of liberty” are eventually reduced to expensive technicalities provided the undeserving.

But Gideon’s promise was based on dubious premise, as stated by Justice Hugo Black:


That government hires lawyers to prosecute and defendants who have the money hire lawyers to defend are the strongest indications of the widespread belief that lawyers in criminal courts are necessities, not luxuries.

See what he did there? In 1963, Justice Black took for granted that “defendants who have the money hire lawyers to defend” them.  It’s unclear whether this assumption has dissipated with time, or this was just the view from on high, but Eric Mayer at the  Unwashed Advocate provides the conclusive list of where a lawyer fits in the scheme of relative worth today. Legal representation falls a mere seven spots behind a Papa John’s large, one-topping pizza, and one spot ahead of education.

When Gideon was decided, the Court declined (neglected?) to provide a dividing line between those defendants who were indigent, and therefore entitled to be provided counsel, and those who simply preferred to allocate resources to a new iPhone. To a Supreme Court justice, it likely didn’t seem worthy of the effort, since only a fool would fail to hire a lawyer to defend him if he could. 

Have we become a nation of fools?  While Eric’s list is funny, the satire strikes home because it uses humor to make a point that’s too real.  The need to defend against criminal accusations isn’t worth much these days. It may be that defendants no longer believe that spending money on a criminal defense lawyer is a good investment, as the power of the prosecution is so overwhelming that they will lose no matter what.  It may be that defendants no longer trust that it’s money well-spent, as lawyers will no longer fight long and hard, but instead will pocket their hard-earned dough and plead them out at the first opportunity.

There is a long list of pretty solid reasons why people no longer value a criminal defense lawyer.

The argument in favor is vague and rhetorical; it relies entirely on trust, as there is neither a guarantee nor a way to test whether the outcome was worth the cost.

One of the pieces of the puzzle of the legal profession’s downward spiral is our inability to satisfy the unmet need of society for legal representation.  The characterization is that people cannot afford lawyers.  It’s an overbroad description.  There are certainly indigent defendants who cannot afford counsel. For some strange reason, the people who wind up as criminal defendants often fit the bill of poor.

But there are also people who fall into the netherworld of people who can afford a lawyer, in the true meaning of the word afford, but choose to allocate their scared resources otherwise. Some argue the Utopian view that all criminal defendants should be given a free lawyer, which carries so many flaws that it’s not worthy of serious discussion. Some argue that a particular dividing line could be fixed, where the decision not to mortgage the family farm precludes society’s largesse. 

Yet few give much thought to how Justice Black’s assumption has proven so wrong.  Are people so enamored of their shiny things that they can’t bear to part with them for the assistance of counsel in their defense?  Is the system so overwhelmingly one-sided that no defense, no matter what the cost, is worth it?  Has the rhetoric of lawyers become so empty and meaningless that criminal defendants aren’t fooled into thinking that we bring any value to their case?

In a mere 50 years, we have managed to reduce a basic belief that was so important to liberty that it was included in the Sixth Amendment to the United States Constitution to a choice between carton of Marlboro’s and legal representation.  It’s not enough to celebrate the anniversary of oral argument in Gideon v. Wainwright, where poor Clarence Earl Gideon was afforded the fundamental right to the assistance of counsel in his defense, if we give no thought to what we’ve done to it since.

We may not be able to alter the perception, if not the reality, that the government possess overwhelming might in the prosecution of criminal offenses, but we surely can change what we do to make our existence valuable enough to the accused that they find us a more worthy expense than a new pair of basketball shoes.