Debates can be fun and informative. And this one was both and neither.
So, our democracy is crumbling. And the Supreme Court is the tool of choice for dismantling it. To save our democracy, we must fix our broken Supreme Court by adding seats.
These were the opening words of Tamara Brummer, a labor organizer and director of national outreach for Demand Justice, a progressive organization dedicated to putting reliably biased judges on the bench. She was joined in the affirmative side by Dahlia Lithwick, who opened thus:
You know, you’ve just heard my opponent suggests that we are not currently in desperate times. I just want to flag for those of you who are not watching the court tick-tock the way we are, that just in the last few weeks, the court reinstated a very controversial Remain in Mexico policy, made constitutionally permissible abortion impossible to achieve for 90 percent of the pregnant people in Texas. All of that was done on its shadow docket. The courts have been happy on the shadow docket to set aside an eviction moratorium. Happy on its shadow docket to change COVID restrictions.
This is all being done unsigned. We don’t quite know what the law is. And this has been done while Justices Barrett and Breyer are taking to the hustings.
Was there any principled reason to offer? If you’ve got an hour to waste, here’s the whole debate.
If watching this would be your second choice to sticking needles in your eyes, I’m here to help. The negative side, argued by Yale prawf Akhil Reed Amar and Supreme Court litigator Carter Phillips, argued two basic point, first that the perspective provided by Lithwick and Brummer was nuts, for which they were duly chastised by the moderator since calling a completely baseless assertion of hysteria nuts isn’t allowed in a polite debate.
The second argument was that it will never happen, both because there is no serious support for such a radical scheme among Democrats in positions of power and because it would set off a partisan battle of each siding adding new justices to take a majority. While both of these are true, although the former may not hold up as well as some might hope, these pragmatic concerns failed to address the core argument for packing the court.
The sky is falling. It’s an existential crisis. It’s now or never, and something must be done!
And it’s the Supreme Court that year after year is making it easier and easier for Donald Trump’s Republican party to entrench minority rule with voter suppression and partisan gerrymandering.
There is no question the Supreme Court is working just fine for the people closest to it, the justices, the elite lawyers, and the law professors who win prestige by their proximity to the court. But in a democracy, the Supreme Court isn’t supposed to work for a legal aristocracy, it’s supposed to work for everyone. Far too often, when people like you and me say the Supreme Court is broken, the so-called experts, these lawyers, the law professors, the journalists, and even the justices themselves, tell us to trust the system. So, when the justices gut decades-old protections for voters of color in the south, trust the system. When the justices kill a law that tries to keep billionaires from buying elections, trust the system, y’all. When time and time again they side with corporations over workers, trust the system.
This is a popular argument on the left, that the Supreme Court is failing society by not delivering the right decisions that progressives demand. While Lithwick contended that they don’t want to pack the court to achieve hegemony over the conservative wing, but merely to provide “balance” with one vote more than them, Brummer’s argument reflected the more foundational grievance of the Demand Justice-level perspective: the Supreme Court isn’t ruling the way we want and so they must be blown up and taken over “for the people.”
The debate, hosted by Northwestern Law School under the cool name, Intelligence Squared, was very informative, not so much because it offered sound arguments for the resolution, which were shallow, hyperbolic and stunningly disingenuous, or against, which were largely practical and barely scratched the surface of why this change could undermine the purpose of having a judiciary at all. It was informative about how shallow political argumentation has become, how it’s designed to appeal to the most superficial and politically ignorant masses rather.
Is the sky falling? If you believe we’re on the verge of a fascist takeover of the nation because Trump “stole” two or three seats on the Supreme Court, and are certain they’re about to end voting rights for all together with the right to abortion, then radical measures are necessary. Not because they will work, but because something must be done and we can’t just sit around hoping that it will all work out in the end.
But if you don’t subscribe to the view that we’re doomed, then the argument dies a brutal, painful death by suicide. And, despite being informed to the contrary hourly during Trump’s term in office, the sky did not fall and the Supreme Court did not kneel at the foot of its overlord.
What the debate failed to do was offer the deeper argument that the efforts put into undermining its integrity and legitimacy will inure to no one’s benefit. If, as the proponents of the resolution argue, the Court was changed to manipulate its political complexion away from the conservatives and toward, if not completely owned by, progressive allegiances, would the rulings matter anymore? If we know, in advance, where the Court will come out because the majority was bought and paid for, then it’s not a court but a rubber stamp for a political ideology.
Of course, that’s what the left believes the Supreme Court is now, even if it didn’t quite steal the seats but rather beat the Dems in Senate partisan gamesmanship. The difference is that the Court has made rulings the left hates, even if they’re being disingenuous about what the rulings mean, but they’ve also ruled in ways that the left prefers, and ways in which any legitimate Supreme Court should rule.
Maybe the sky will fall one day, and we’ll be compelled to take arms against a government that has failed to keep our Republic and sustain life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. But today is not that day, and this debate failed to present the arguments that we, the people, need to hear.
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A constant feature of a functioning democracy is people running around fearmongering that it’s crumbling. It’s what any faction that wants to capture it would say. If we were ever without it, the silence would be ominous.
Good to see that according to the event polling, the audience swung from a 6 point margin against the motion to an 18 point margin against it after hearing what they had to say.
Should it be concerning that the margin was a mere 6 at the outset? On the other hand, given that the negative arguments weren’t the deepest, did the flagrant disingenuousness of Lithwick’s sophistry make clear that the progressive position us utterly full of shit?
One factor in the low starting margin was that it was more of a three way race at that point, with 22% voters waiting to pick a side. The For side picked up only 2 points compared to 14 for Against.
On the other hand, 7% said they flipped from Against to For, almost twice as many as flipped to the winning side, so maybe some of them were trying to steer the narrative by faking a conversion. So, maybe even higher starting support for it than indicated but a greater rout?
There is a belief among a certain cohort that gaming the stats will persuade others as to the winning side. I see a lot of people on the twitters with putative MAGA bios twitting exceptionally woke views. I rarely see the opposite.
Who can forget the flurry of “I voted for Trump and now I’m sorry and terrified!” news stories from early 2017.
But I screwed up my last comment. The larger 180 swing was from For to Against, which is more in line with the overall trend, not the other way around. No links means I get a chance to correct myself instead of getting spanked by someone else. Still, if the losing team supposedly picks up 11% from the other side and undecideds but only gains 2 more points, while some of the 19% who joined the other side could have been feigning ambivalence themselves, that tells me it’s time for lunch.
For those who forgot where they put their eye poking needles, or don’t have an hour to waste…
” Far too often, when people like you and me say the Supreme Court is broken, the so-called experts, these lawyers, the law professors, the journalists, and even the justices themselves, tell us to trust the system..[ , and even though] We don’t quite know what the law is[ , we insist upon silly , time wasting debates about how to cure the problem our deluded sensibilities tell us are true] ”
PS: Thanks, ACLU.
Several of the decisions she uses to establish her position were decided correctly. Even Biden knew that the eviction moratorium case was going to go against him – in that case the judges on the left were the partisans. You’ve agreed that on the TX8 case that the decision was technically correct as a matter of law, even though you don’t like the outcome. Are the conservative justices setting up to overturn Roe or were they just being consistent with the law? I don’t know.
A lot of the things she complains about are fine with her when Her Team does it, but when Not Her Team does it they’re driving us toward fascism. Gerrymandering? The Democrats don’t do that when they’re in charge? Sure.
Ultimately, “the court is too politicized, so the only way to fix it is to further politicize it” is not rational.
When accused of simply being antagonistic to some decisions and desirous of adding more justices who could be trusted to rule the way she preferred, she denied it vehemently. Because that would be wrong.
If she denied this as her goal, what is she arguing about?
SHG,
Easy.
Bring back the Warren court. Only nine, but all of them (except maybe for the Heisman trophy dude) cared deeply about stuff. I know cause I was there.
All the best.
Rich
You’re been watching those Netflix zombie shows again, haven’t you?
Byron “Whizzer” White, was runner up to Yalie Clint Frank for the Heisman trophy in 1937. He should have won it.
Even though a Democrat, He was against Roe vs Wade so he would not be a hero of the left and probably wouldn’t have made it through the senate confirmation hearings in today’s political climate.
Wait, it wasn’t Abe Fortas?
Centrist position: Pack the Supreme Court, but only with jocks ?
The most popular Supremes say,
Stop . . . Think it over.
So the opinions are being made “on the shadow docket” and are “unsigned”; does anyone really believe that Lithwick and the Demand Justice organizer would be ok if oral argument was scheduled for sometime in the winter on, e.g., the eviction moratorium or Remain in Mexico, followed a month later by a signed 6-3 or 7-2 opinion ending the moratorium or upholding the Remain policy? Didn’t the eviction moratorium in particular demand immediate relief? How was the Court supposed to handle the emergency application to block TX SB8 except by issuing the decision the way they did, unsigned and on the shadow docket?
The shadow docket is for emergency applications. They get emergency treatment. There’s nothing nefarious about it except they didn’t like certain outcomes. Lithwick, at least, knows better. She’s not stupid, just dishonest.
Brummer is exactly what you would expect, superficial angst of empty pop slogans without a substantive clue. But Lithwick is shotgun of dissembling nonsense and shameless denial. She gets one point for her “tit happens,” which leaves her at -99, with 100 being the lowest possible score.
Amar was disappointing. Not wrong, but unhelpful to just keep beating the “it’s never gonna happen” drum. Phillips, on the other hand, came closer to an actual rationale by saying change isn’t always for the better, but can make things worse. I wonder where he got that from, Scott.