In the comments to my post on Cormac Carney’s remarkable decision in the Ruehle/Broadcom trial, Chuck questioned whether I went over the top in my applause of the decision.
Some of the judges I know realize that these things happen, but insulate themselves from the actual effect of their decisions by taking comfort in the odds. Odds are that the defendant is guilty, that the cop, though perhaps a liar, is more truthful than deceitful. They don’t think of their decisions as reflecting a lack of respect for the Constitution, but rather a pragmatic approach. After all, just because the cops can’t do anything right isn’t a good reason to let criminals run rampant.
But to say that things like the Carney decision never happen outside of white collar cases is wrong. As I read Carney’s decision, I immediately thought of a drug case I did many years ago, where SDNY Judge Ken Conboy, who has since left the bench to make his fortune at Latham, ripped the lungs out of the government and the DEA for rampant dishonesty in their handling of a drug case. I also recalled a white collar case in the SDNY where the judge couldn’t have cared less about obviously lying federal agents, where his reaction was “so what?”
My initial reaction to Chuck was to not look a gift horse in the mouth. It was a great decision. That it didn’t involve Clarence Earl Gideon was hardly a reason to be critical. They can’t all involve Clarence Earl Gideon. But the real issue wasn’t that this decision, concededly great as far as it went, didn’t inure to the benefit of the common defendant, but that only the rich, the powerful, the clean, have a shot at a great decision that preserves and elevates constitutional rights over ease of conviction.
It does seem that way, sometimes.
There are some factors that need to be considered before one tarnishes Judge Carney’s opinion. Initially, there is no question but that white collar defendants are inherently more sympathetic to federal judges. Had they not been indicted, they might have met at a cocktail party, or perhaps dined together. The pain of damage to their family life is easier to feel when your children share the same school and play on the same lacrosse team or crew together.
This isn’t likely to change anytime soon, given the nature of how federal judges are selected. There aren’t many senators who hang in the ‘hood, inclined to urge the President to appoint one of their homies. And when a regular guy finds himself on a federal bench, there’s an inclination to be more like the other judges than make waves. That said, there are some exceptions, as there always have been. And they render opinions, and grant suppression, and trial orders of dismissal, that favor normal defendants.
The problem is that these rulings don’t make the papers. Broadcom is a big, high profile, white collar case. When you get a decision in a case like this, it’s going to make a splash. It’s going to hit everybody’s radar and be the subject of a hundred newspaper stories and a thousand blawg posts. It’s big news.
When there’s a good decision in a case involving some murderer or drug dealer, nobody knows. It doesn’t make the front page, and even if it becomes the subject of a blawg post, it seems to be forgotten relatively quickly, largely because it’s viewed as the anomaly. Then, when a decision like Judge Carney’s comes along, the cries go out about how it’s only the white collar defendants who get a break. It’s just not necessarily the case. Good decisions, whether for white collar defendants or not, are rare. Strong statements of fealty to the Constitution are rare. Brave decisions that cut against the popular devotion to order are rare.
Rather than complain about the unfairness of it all, it’s better to raise awareness of those good decisions, without reservation. By doing so, we empower judges to take their positions more seriously, to take the violations of the Constitution perpetrated against our clients more seriously, and to join with those brave judges who have done so and received appreciation rather than approbation for it.
To the extent that our voices matter, let them be heard to encourage the best that our judiciary has to offer. No, it isn’t likely to start a tsunami of judicial interest in safeguarding the constitutional rights of all defendants, and no, it isn’t likely to change the predominant belief that their best path is to go with the odds, and no, it won’t encourage presidents who campaign on a promise of change to appoint judges who might conceivably bring about change. But it’s got a greater chance of encouraging those judges who are on the cusp to do the right thing.
Judge Carney did the right thing, in a decision that will, and should, be played as loudly as possible. Why do anything to muffle the sound? Just play the music and show appreciation where it’s due.
But I’d wait to canonize the judge until he gets around to applying the same principles in a case without corporate white-collar defendants.There’s a sense amongst criminal defense lawyers that the only defendants whose rights are shown respect are of the white collar variety. This perception has some awfully good basis in reality, as we are all made painfully aware on a regular basis of how judges blow off significant issues, ranging from actual innocence to constitutional violations, without breaking a sweat. How many judges lose sleep wondering if their efforts that day put an innocent in prison, enabled the government to run roughshod over the Constitution or empowered a cop to lie his way to a conviction.
Some of the judges I know realize that these things happen, but insulate themselves from the actual effect of their decisions by taking comfort in the odds. Odds are that the defendant is guilty, that the cop, though perhaps a liar, is more truthful than deceitful. They don’t think of their decisions as reflecting a lack of respect for the Constitution, but rather a pragmatic approach. After all, just because the cops can’t do anything right isn’t a good reason to let criminals run rampant.
But to say that things like the Carney decision never happen outside of white collar cases is wrong. As I read Carney’s decision, I immediately thought of a drug case I did many years ago, where SDNY Judge Ken Conboy, who has since left the bench to make his fortune at Latham, ripped the lungs out of the government and the DEA for rampant dishonesty in their handling of a drug case. I also recalled a white collar case in the SDNY where the judge couldn’t have cared less about obviously lying federal agents, where his reaction was “so what?”
My initial reaction to Chuck was to not look a gift horse in the mouth. It was a great decision. That it didn’t involve Clarence Earl Gideon was hardly a reason to be critical. They can’t all involve Clarence Earl Gideon. But the real issue wasn’t that this decision, concededly great as far as it went, didn’t inure to the benefit of the common defendant, but that only the rich, the powerful, the clean, have a shot at a great decision that preserves and elevates constitutional rights over ease of conviction.
It does seem that way, sometimes.
There are some factors that need to be considered before one tarnishes Judge Carney’s opinion. Initially, there is no question but that white collar defendants are inherently more sympathetic to federal judges. Had they not been indicted, they might have met at a cocktail party, or perhaps dined together. The pain of damage to their family life is easier to feel when your children share the same school and play on the same lacrosse team or crew together.
This isn’t likely to change anytime soon, given the nature of how federal judges are selected. There aren’t many senators who hang in the ‘hood, inclined to urge the President to appoint one of their homies. And when a regular guy finds himself on a federal bench, there’s an inclination to be more like the other judges than make waves. That said, there are some exceptions, as there always have been. And they render opinions, and grant suppression, and trial orders of dismissal, that favor normal defendants.
The problem is that these rulings don’t make the papers. Broadcom is a big, high profile, white collar case. When you get a decision in a case like this, it’s going to make a splash. It’s going to hit everybody’s radar and be the subject of a hundred newspaper stories and a thousand blawg posts. It’s big news.
When there’s a good decision in a case involving some murderer or drug dealer, nobody knows. It doesn’t make the front page, and even if it becomes the subject of a blawg post, it seems to be forgotten relatively quickly, largely because it’s viewed as the anomaly. Then, when a decision like Judge Carney’s comes along, the cries go out about how it’s only the white collar defendants who get a break. It’s just not necessarily the case. Good decisions, whether for white collar defendants or not, are rare. Strong statements of fealty to the Constitution are rare. Brave decisions that cut against the popular devotion to order are rare.
Rather than complain about the unfairness of it all, it’s better to raise awareness of those good decisions, without reservation. By doing so, we empower judges to take their positions more seriously, to take the violations of the Constitution perpetrated against our clients more seriously, and to join with those brave judges who have done so and received appreciation rather than approbation for it.
To the extent that our voices matter, let them be heard to encourage the best that our judiciary has to offer. No, it isn’t likely to start a tsunami of judicial interest in safeguarding the constitutional rights of all defendants, and no, it isn’t likely to change the predominant belief that their best path is to go with the odds, and no, it won’t encourage presidents who campaign on a promise of change to appoint judges who might conceivably bring about change. But it’s got a greater chance of encouraging those judges who are on the cusp to do the right thing.
Judge Carney did the right thing, in a decision that will, and should, be played as loudly as possible. Why do anything to muffle the sound? Just play the music and show appreciation where it’s due.
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Having practiced for 15 years in the district where Judge Carney sits, I can’t say I’ve noticed federal judges cutting more breaks for white-collar defendants than others, even taking into account the relatively lower proportion of white-collar defendants. I’ve seen judges do the right thing in both types of cases.
I’m the yahoo who made the comment that led to this post.
Don’t get me wrong. We shouldn’t look a gift horse in the mouth. There is plenty to celebrate here. We should not complain (at least too loudly) about the unfairness of it all, and–as you write–it’s better to raise awareness of those good decisions. They can’t all be Clarence Earl Gideons. (Though I am still waiting to see if the rulings in US v. Stein help indigent defendants).
Defendant-favorable rulings in ordinary cases do sometimes make the papers. I remember one case a number of years ago when Judge Baer got publicly reamed for suppressing evidence in a drug case. If I remember it right, even President Clinton shredded Baer. The judge then reversed himself. . .
But the Baer matter aside, I defer to your experience in noting cases where judges have made the right call and helped defendants. I am no longer a “trench lawyer,” if I ever was one, and I do not have a good basis to know how often judges reach deep down and do the right thing in ordinary cases.
I suppose I reacted as I did because I have the strong sense that federal judges just feel more comfortable with corporate white collar defendants. These defendants are just like the judges’ former Big Law clients. If the judges enter orders dismissing charges or enter lesser orders that lead to lighter sentences, they may do so without the worry that they are releasing a violent or dangerous person (which is the image they hold in so many other cases).
Anyway, I’ll join you in celebrating this ruling. I’ll mute, at least somewhat, my complaints. I hope that the decision can be used by ordinary defendants to their advantage.
I remember the case before Judge Harold Baer well, where he suppressed and was nearly impeached for finding that Hispanics are treated like crap in uptown Manhattan. It was a clear, strong message: rule for the defendant and tell the ugly truth, and be smeared as a traitor to the nation and lose your life tenure position.
And so Baer reversed himself. Is that what we want to see happen?
By the way, thank you for raising the issue.
Having just read J. Carney’s decision, and your blog on it, (BTW, was that THE Brendan Sullivan, Esq. of ‘potted plant’ fame?) I could not avoid comparing the actions of the govt lawyers in their efforts to: suborn perjury, intimidate and tamper with witnesses with the statements of Robert Simels, Esq which have resulted in his 15 year prison sentence.
If part of the reason for prosecuting those who viiolate the law is to deter others, similarly situated and so inclined, to think more than twice about engaging in such reprehensible conduct, what message would the NON-prosecution of the govt lawyers and other agents who engaged what appear to be criminal acts.
On the other hand, what message would it send to those prosecutors if there was a vigorous prosecution of those attorney’s and agents, with imprisonment as a possilbe sentence?
At the very least, it seems that the govt atty’s conduct may violate the Model Code of Professional Conduct. So will the judge’s decision be forwarded to the appropriate grievance committee?
Or, do they get a pass?
Paraphrasing Cindy Adams, Only in CA, kids, only in CA.
Greg
As the conveniently new to the case AUSA said to Judge Carney, “we respectfully disagree…” You know the answer. Alas, if it was only California.