That Conrad Black wrote a book of his experiences should come as no surprise. Writing is one of the things he does, and his time in Cubicle 30, Unit B-1 at the Coleman Federal Correctional Complex in central Florida provided the perfect opportunity.
Jonathan Kay’s article in the National Post about Black’s A Matter of Principle leaves little doubt that he was an angry man, absolute in his belief in his innocence and resolute in his intention of paying back all those he blamed for his circumstances.
At other points in the book, his tone is decidedly less lofty — even downright nasty. Mr. Black’s iron-clad conviction in his own innocence has been the psychological armour that’s permitted him to carry on in public life, head held high. Yet there is an unfortunate flip side to this sense of complete moral self-assurance: Because he cannot fathom why any intelligent human being could honestly believe his actions to have been criminal (or even unethical), he attributes either stupidity or dishonesty to each critic. Even Mr. Black’s own lawyers get denounced as fools when they fail to embrace their client’s legal theories.
This is the common, maybe even proper, reaction of a man convicted who is certain of his innocence. Dealing with the cognitive dissonance requires the mind to lay blame, and Black does exactly that. His lawyers are an obligatory target.
One of his lawyers, Eddie Greenspan of Toronto, was unhappy with being the target of Black’s invective. Rather than suffer in silence, he decided to speak out via the Globe and Mail. The initial curiosity, why Black would choose a Canadian criminal defense lawyer to participate in an American trial, is explained.
Conrad Black and I were first-year classmates at Osgoode Hall Law School in 1965. I didn’t really know him at that time, but over the years we have met at different places. On one of those occasions, I stopped to say hello to him in a restaurant. We chatted and at one point he said to me, “You’d better leave, I don’t want people to think I need a criminal lawyer.” I didn’t realize it at the time, but he wasn’t joking.
Years later, Conrad got into the difficulties that ultimately resulted in his criminal trial in Chicago. Early on, he retained me as an adviser. I helped him find a U.S. criminal lawyer, the celebrated Brendan Sullivan, whom he hired. It was understood that if he was charged, Mr. Sullivan would be his lawyer. As that day approached, Mr. Sullivan told Conrad he needed $25-million in addition to the many millions he had already received. That was the first time in my life I ever regretted not being an American lawyer.When Mr. Sullivan made his request, Conrad came to me and said, “I want you to be my lawyer in Chicago.” I’m Canadian; my practice is here. But Conrad pushed strenuously for me to take the matter on.
Did Brendan Sullivan’s retainer stop you dead in your tracks? Me too. No matter what the case, or who the defendant, that was a remarkably healthy fee. Yet, in retrospect, it might have been a far more thoughtful amount than would appear at first blush. He had come to know his client and the nature of the case. Perhaps he understood just what would be demanded of him over the next few years, and decided he wasn’t going to sell his soul cheap. Or maybe, having lived with his client for a while, he didn’t want the case that badly, and charged accordingly.
Greenspan found two excellent lawyers to replace Sullivan, Eddie Genson and Marc Martin, though in retrospect, Black described their experiences as unsavory.
Conrad wrote that he doubted Mr. Genson had ever represented a respectable client and then said of me: Respectable clients “were not his specialty.”
Conrad added that we have a misplaced reverence for the hoods and lowlifes he believes we represent. It is sad to observe this reckless lashing out at his lawyers and those charged with presumably less lofty offences than fraud. Eddie Genson and I have had the privilege over our careers to act for an enormous number of decent, honourable people, just as wrongly charged as Conrad. He has to know that these petty insults are beneath him.
Curiously, just as Black’s time in prison gave him an appreciation of the “lowlifes” with whom he took comfort, he fails to recognize that they are part of the mix of clients in need of a criminal defense.
Greenspan goes on to address Black’s play by play of his trial tactics.
Conrad’s flawed account of his own trial is a reminder of how seldom an accused person actually grasps what is going on in court. Most defendants in a criminal trial realize that they shouldn’t expect to understand the process. That is what hiring experienced criminal counsel is all about.
Black’s descriptions of Greenspan’s cross-examinations run the gamut of brilliance to hackery, hyperbolic on both extremes.
When it comes to Mr. Radler, this key witness was ultimately so completely erased by cross-examination, in Conrad’s description, as to become a non-issue. Mr. Radler, whom Conrad describes as the “rat” (to my water buffalo-cougar-crocodile hybrid), was dismantled to the point where, he writes, the cocksure prosecutors, earlier described as so much younger and more nimble than his own slow, past-it, lawyers, hung their heads like “chastened schoolchildren” and avoided meeting the jurors’ eyes.
Conrad wrote in his book, “Radler was smeared over the floor and walls.” Flattering as this is, I’m really not that violent.
He wrote elsewhere that I destroyed Marie-Josée Kravis of the Hollinger board, to the point of making her look contemptible. As for former Illinois governor Jim Thompson, also on the Hollinger board, testifying against Conrad, I apparently “tore him limb from limb” and “dragged him like an un-housetrained dog to the site of his many incontinences.”
Despite the violent imagery, Black blames Greenspan’s perceived “inadequacy” on his being diabetic. Having a hard reason upon which to attach blame always makes rationalizing easier, though Greenspan was just as diabetic when he was a water buffalo as a cougar.
Greenspan raises some post conviction public-relations strategy, which is the aspect the most closely skirts revelation of confidential communications, where he felt that Black’s control impaired the defense.
At the time, I didn’t understand why Conrad Black didn’t want me to do what needed to be done: shape the climate in which the trial judge would do her sentencing. I think that, reading this book, I finally do. He writes that when I said to him the verdict amounted to a vindication, what I really meant was that it was a victory for me, personally. Of all that he has written, this is in some ways the saddest passage.
While there has been a great deal of attention paid to Black’s post-conviction proceedings, not the least of which is the Supreme Court’s rejection of vague and dreaded “honest services fraud” for conduct beyond bribes and kickbacks, the inside story of the trial is rarely something that outsiders get to see.
What may surprise many outside the practice of criminal defense is that defendants rarely view anything beyond a complete acquittal of all charges as successful, and resent their lawyers for taking some pride in the achievement of a less than perfect verdict. A separation of interests appears between lawyer and client, even if none exists in reality, because the defendant has only one interest, complete and total vindication, usually followed by an apology and perhaps a small block grant for the indignities suffered. This isn’t a particularly realistic expectation.
By his book, Conrad Black shows us what it looked like from the defendant’s chair. The most interesting thing is that it apparently looks the same when the defendant is filthy rich as dirt poor. Either way, one constant is that the lawyer, regardless of relationship, fee paid or degree of success short, will invariably be in the line of fire. Even if there’s a complete acquittal, since that’s due to the fact of innocence (often with a bit of a deity’s assistance) rather than a lawyer’s effort.
Not only is this a difficult job, but often a thankless one as well. Eddie Greenspan shouldn’t be surprised.
Discover more from Simple Justice
Subscribe to get the latest posts sent to your email.

Previously, I wrote in sympathy of Lord Black’s plight as it related to the US Attorney’s discussion of his royal lifestyle during incarceration as part of the re-sentencing memorandum. Having been there (Federal Prison), personally, I can attest to the degradation and sheer mind-numbing grind of even minimum security incarceration. A current Vanity Fair piece (available online) provides graphic detail of Lord Black’s experiences.
The VF article also details Lord Black’s POV on the injustice of his original prosecution,conviction, and incarceration. The comment section following the profile did an OK-job of being somewhat corrective of the one-sided perspective. Your post, this morning, Scott is equally excellent.
It’s funny, but as a White Collar Criminal/Tax Felon, and a former (civil) trial lawyer I understand and feel LB’s ambivalence and pain. Certainly, I committed my tax offense (and other acts for which I was not prosecuted) and unethical acts in terms of co-mingling of law office accounts and so forth. And while I didn’t steal money from clients, under the current sentencing scheme I well-deserved the 5 months I did at Morgantown (and the now-completed 5 months home confinement.) But there is this other part of me that finds it very hard to let go of the sense of that I was unjustly targeted, prosecuted and jailed. I can very easily fall into this self-justification and blaming shit. I do sometimes feel like “a victim.”
So I also relate to Conrad Black on this account. At least I know that I am NOT a victim, but a process that involves the government being invested in portraying you in sentencing memorandum–as totally without redeeming qualities, doesn’t help. And, yeah, when you feel, rightly or wrongly, like a victim of an arbitrary and capricious system of justice who do you blame? In Lord Black’s case, whether you agree with Black or not, he was actually prosecuted on numerous counts nearly all of which he was not guilty. The Honest Services prosecution was deemed unconstitutional based on his appeal to the United States Supreme Court. So, yeah, Black’s a little cranky about and critical of his lawyers even though they actually did an awesome job, but what the hey…they were well-paid while Black’s back in federal prison.
Black has written about his perspective on prison and the system a few times, and has been discussed here as well. While it’s given him a perspective that he lacked in his prior elitist existence, he’s fallen into the same ambivalent trap that most defendants do. What’s interesting is that your comment has elements of that ambivalence as well.
But as you know, if it doesn’t touch your life, you would never appreciate it. And yet, Black’s blame includes his lawyers, who did an exceptional job on his behalf, and yes, got paid for it.
When I opened my Globe and Mail on Saturday and started reading Eddie’s article I nearly spit my coffee out. The Law Society of Upper Canada’s Rules of Professional Conduct s. 2.03 (1) address the propriety of this article:
“A lawyer at all times shall hold in strict confidence all information concerning the business and affairs of the client acquired in the course of the professional relationship and shall not divulge any such information unless expressly or impliedly authorized by the client or required by law to do so.”
I did not see anywhere in the article Conrad Black’s authorization to divulge information.
Sorry, this is not the type of article that we lawyers in Ontario should start publishing.
I thought long and hard about whether to raise the issue of disclosure of privileged communications. As a general matter, the fact that a client says mean things about a lawyer, even false things, outside of an ethical complaint or a malpractice action, doesn’t give the lawyer the authority to disclose.
The only area that I found troubling was the disclosure about Black’s post-verdict public relations strategy. There is, however, an argument to be made that implicit in Black’s own “tell-all” disclosure of his communications with counsel a waiver of privilege, as is the client’s right, that frees the lawyer to respond.
In my view, an Ontario lawyer may not disclose client confidences, even when publicly criticized by a client, unless there is an express waiver of privilege or the client consents.
Consider sub-Rule 2.03(4) of the LSUC Rules of Professional Conduct which reads:
Justified or Permitted Disclosure
…
(4) Where it is alleged that a lawyer or the lawyer’s associates or employees are
(a) guilty of a criminal offence involving a client’s affairs,
(b) civilly liable with respect to a matter involving a client’s affairs, or
(c) guilty of malpractice or misconduct,
a lawyer may disclose confidential information in order to defend against the allegations, but the lawyer shall not disclose more information than is required.
I don’t believe Greenspan can rely on implied waiver, simply because Lord Black criticized his performance or ability. While Greenspan is entitled to the right of reply, he is restricted in how much privileged or confidential client information may be disclosed, unless he is facing a disciplinary complaint or a malpractice suit (see also, Sub-rules 2.03(2)”When required by law or by order of a tribunal of competent jurisdiction…” and 2.03(3) “Where a lawyer believes upon reasonable grounds that there is an imminent risk to an identifiable person or group of death or serious bodily harm…”)
Anybody know Eddie well enough to ask what he thinks?
I don’t know Mr. Greenspan well enough to ask him directly.
However, his published rebuttal speaks for itself. He either determined he was justified in disclosing his client’s confidences by first consulting the Rules of Professional Conduct, or he didn’t turn to his mind to them.
I strongly suspect the former.
Coincidentally, in Stewart v. Canadian Broadcasting Corp.,(1997), 150 D.L.R. (4th) 24 (Ont. Gen. Div.) Greenspan was sued for breach of duty of loyalty arising from his participation as host and narrator of a C.B.C. television program called “The Scales of Justice”. The trial judge found Greenspan liable for breaching his duty of loyalty by
favouring his own financial interests, putting his own self-promotion
before the plaintiff’s interests, and increasing the adverse public effect on
the crimes his former client committed.
Black’s attitude also illustrates why “white collar” defendants are often poorly represented. These white collar guys are better than the lowly scum real criminal defense lawyers represent, so of course it makes sense to hire a litigator instead of a criminal lawyer.
I’m still stuck on $25 million fee.
They can be very difficult defendants in every conceivable respect. A good, honest, hard-working criminal is much easier to defend.
Financial and corporate crime pays a bit better. But $25 Mil doesn’t go as far as it used to.
$25 Million here, $25 Million there, and after a while it adds up to real money.
And yet it’s hard to get in a high volume practice. Go figure.