6th Circuit Puts Free Speech Ahead of Honorifics

Is it the death of hostile environment harassment law? Northwestern lawprof Andrew M. Koppelman argues the point.

Andrew M. Koppelman, John Paul Stevens Professor of Law at Northwestern University, has written about the case as one of “free speech gone wild.” The Sixth Circuit “is being invited to invalidate the entire field of hostile environment harassment law,” he wrote last year in The Hill. If Meriwether prevails, “teachers at public colleges will have a constitutional right to subject their students to bigoted slurs. Much of anti-discrimination law would be deemed unconstitutional.”

What sort of monster academic would subject their students to bigoted slurs?

“Suppose a professor held a religious belief that African Americans are beings of an inferior order, who don’t deserve the honorific of ‘Mr.’ or ‘Ms.,’” he said. “Under the court’s reasoning, would that teacher have the right to address only the Black students by first or last name? If not, would the professor have the right to put a disclaimer on the syllabus explaining their beliefs?”

That’s not necessarily outlandish, in Koppelman’s assessment, as “race and sex are treated equivalently in federal antidiscrimination law.”

The issue arose when Ohio’s Shawnee State University philosophy prof Nicholas Meriwether called a trans student in his class “Sir.”

The case stemmed from a 2018 political philosophy class in which the professor, Nicholas Meriwether, called a trans woman “sir.” Meriwether said it happened accidentally, as no one informed him of the student’s preferred pronoun. After class, the student “demanded” to be called “Ms.,” like other female students, and threatened to have him fired if he didn’t, according to Meriwether’s lawsuit.

After a nice chat with the admins, Meriwether, a devout Christian, agreed to call the student by her last name, but the student rejected that fix as he continued to call other students “Mr.” or “Ms.,” thus stigmatizing the student by treating her differently. Meriwether then offered to comply with the student’s demands, but include in his syllabus that he was doing so under compulsion.

Meriwether’s dean rejected this as incompatible with the university’s gender identity policy. The case was referred to the university’s office for compliance with Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972, which prohibits gender-based discrimination. Meriwether, who continued to refer to the student by her last name only, was found to have created a “hostile environment” for her via disparate treatment. (Again, he continued to call other students “Mr.” and “Ms.”)

Does Title IX mandate a “gender identity police”? Is it a “hostile environment” to use a different honorific than the student prefers? Does it rise to the level of “so severe, pervasive and objectively unreasonable” that it deprived the student of an education? Shawnee put a disciplinary warning in his file and ordered him to comply with its pronoun policy. Meriwether sued. The district court dismissed his action.

Getting students’ pronouns and titles right is a narrow issue that is part of a professor’s job description, not a matter of free speech, that court found.

Judge Amul Thapar, writing for a unanimous Sixth Circuit, disagreed.

“Universities have historically been fierce guardians of intellectual debate and free speech.” Speech First, Inc. v. Schlissel, 939 F.3d 756, 761 (6th Cir. 2019). But here, Meriwether alleges that Shawnee State’s application of its gender-identity policy violated the Free Speech Clause of the First Amendment. The district court rejected this argument and held that a professor’s speech in the classroom is never protected by the First Amendment. We disagree: Under controlling Supreme Court and Sixth Circuit precedent, the First Amendment protects the academic speech of university professors. Since Meriwether has plausibly alleged that Shawnee State violated his First Amendment rights by compelling his speech or silence and casting a pall of orthodoxy over the classroom, his free-speech claim may proceed.

What distinguishes this action is whether honorifics and pronouns relate to academic freedom or job duties. This is one of those cases, problems, that never had to happen, whether because Meriwether, as the adult in the room, acquiesced to the child’s demand as a matter of ordinary courtesy or just to avoid the conflict that the student made clear would follow. Then again, the student didn’t try to get along here either.

After class, Doe approached Meriwether and “demanded” that Meriwether “refer to [Doe] as a woman” and use “feminine titles and pronouns.” Id. at1475. This was the first time that Meriwether learned that Doe identified as a woman. So Meriwether paused before responding because his sincerely held religious beliefs prevented him from communicating messages  about gender identity that he believes are false. He explained that he wasn’t sure if he could comply with Doe’s demands. Doe became hostile—circling around Meriwether at first, and then approaching him in a threatening manner: “I guess this means I can call you a cu–.” Id. Doe promised that Meriwether would be fired if he did not give in to Doe’s demands.

The circuit held that acquiescing to such demands is not just a job duty, but gives rise to a plausible violation of Meriwether’s First Amendment rights.

To determine whether speech involves a matter of public concern, we look to the “content, form, and context of a given statement, as revealed by the whole record.” Connick, 461 U.S. at 147–48. When speech relates “to any matter of political, social, or other concern to the community,” it addresses a matter of public concern. Id. at 146. Thus, a teacher’s in-class speech about “race, gender, and power conflicts” addresses matters of public concern. Hardy, 260 F.3d at 679. A basketball coach using racial epithets to motivate his players does not. Dambrot, 55 F.3d at 1190. “The linchpin of the inquiry is, thus, for both public concern and academic freedom, the extent to which the speech advances an idea transcending personal interest or opinion which impacts our social and/or political lives.” Id. at 1189.

Meriwether did just that in refusing to use gender-identity-based pronouns. And the “point of his speech” (or his refusal to speak in a particular manner) was to convey a message. Id. at 1187. Taken in context, his speech “concerns a struggle over the social control of language in a crucial debate about the nature and foundation, or indeed real existence, of the sexes.” Professors’ Amicus Br. at 1. That is, his mode of address was the message. It reflected his conviction that one’s sex cannot be changed, a topic which has been in the news on many occasions and “has become an issue of contentious political . . . debate.” See Cockrel v. Shelby Cnty. Sch. Dist., 270 F.3d 1036, 1051 (6th Cir. 2001).

But what of the mandate of Title IX that the college not allow its students to be subject to harassment?

Finally, Shawnee State and the intervenors argue that Title IX compels a contrary result. We disagree. Title IX prohibits “discrimination under any education program or activity” based on sex. 20 U.S.C. § 1681(a). The requirement “that the discrimination occur ‘under any education program or activity’ suggests that the behavior [must] be serious enough to have the systemic effect of denying the victim equal access to an educational program or activity.” Davis v. Monroe Cnty. Bd. of Educ., 526 U.S. 629, 652 (1999); see Pahssen v. Merrill Cmty. Sch. Dist., 668 F.3d 356, 362 (6th Cir. 2012). But Meriwether’s decision not to refer to Doe using feminine pronouns did not have any such effect. As we have already explained, there is no indication at this stage of the litigation that Meriwether’s speech inhibited Doe’s education or ability to succeed in the classroom.

Not only is the question of whether mandating use of preferred personal pronouns and honorifics a matter of sufficient controversy to invoke First Amedment rights, but it is not necessarily so “severe” as to inherently inhibit a student’s ability to obtain the educational benefit Title IX protects.


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12 thoughts on “6th Circuit Puts Free Speech Ahead of Honorifics

  1. Denverite

    Those who argue that the decision is wrong are arguing that the government gets to mandate speech at the demand of a third party. Snark of the day — would they overturn Barnette?

  2. Erik H

    One thing is for sure: It’s nice to see a court properly applying the SJ evidentiary standard.

  3. Mark Dwyer

    As of Friday, Arkansas has a law that permits doctors to refuse certain kinds of treatment (not emergency) based on religious or moral qualms of conscience. Critics say that this will permit refusal of many services to LGBTQ patients, including hormonal treatments to fight infections, and even birth control prescriptions. As to medical care, one might note that Arkansas has many rural areas.

    We seem to be stepping up from honorifics and wedding cakes. But I suppose the state licenses doctors, but not professors and bakers. I assume that means the state can require doctors to do certain things. Does it mean a state can relieve doctors from providing what many would call important medical services?

    1. Rengit

      At risk of going off topic: let’s remove religion and matters pertaining to LGBT and reproductive care from the equation, since they tend to be politically loaded. A hypothetical doctor is a vegan animal rights activist who refuses to participate in the exploitation of animals, so he decides he is morally prohibited from prescribing to his patients certain medications which he knows to have been tested on animals. A patient comes in, outlines his condition, and requests such a medication.

      If the doctor states that he is unwilling to provide the prescription because of his beliefs, but that there are other doctors, including ones within his practice (so not even necessary to go to another healthcare provider), who will provide the prescription, should he lose his license? Or be subject to suit by the patient? Despite the fact that these medications are “important medical services”? And that the only barrier to the patient in getting the medication is simply speaking to another doctor? If we provide an absolute right to the patient to get the care they want from the doctor of their choice, what social benefit do we gain from telling people who care about animal rights “Don’t become a doctor because you will have to violate your conscience”?

      A diverse, liberal country that tolerates people having different values and beliefs is going to require some level of mutual accommodation when interests clash.

  4. B. McLeod

    This is where the whole [Ed. Note] thing goes off the rails. It’s fine for them to have whatever subjective belief they want to have. However, when they get to the point of insisting that others have to speak and behave consistent with that subjective belief, they are stepping on other people’s rights.

    1. Mark Dwyer

      “A diverse, liberal country that tolerates people having different values and beliefs is going to require some level of mutual accommodation when interests clash.”

      That sounds, very happily, like John Rawls.

      ” … when they get to the point of insisting that others have to speak and behave consistent with that subjective belief, they are stepping on other people’s rights.”

      What if the history professor assigned to the Civil War class comes out in favor of slavery, or at least (to get legal) the evils of the three Civil War amendments?

      1. SHG Post author

        (You probably meant this as a reply to Rengit.)

        That’s an interesting hypo. Academic freedom suggests that would be entirely permissible, even if a dubious hire and subject to curriculum mandates by the university.

        Where is the line between acceptable disagreement and intolerable views? Your example is extreme, but are preferred personal pronouns within the realm of debatable? The former clearly crosses a line, but I’ll be damned if I can provide a definition. Maybe you can do better, or are we all at the mercy of the moment’s orthodoxy?

        1. Mark Dwyer

          I suppose I was indeed suggesting an extreme counter-example to Rengit’s. He supports kittens; I oppose slavery. We are both arguing correctly: why would a lawyer not posit an extreme example in support of his position? Judges are sometimes impressed.

          If only occasionally. Of course the extremes don’t dictate the response of folks who don’t have extreme views. If the line must be drawn by those free from extreme views: I’d do it. But you can get pilloried for that. So I’d have to be paid. Unless it would just be fun. And here it would be.

          So: as I noted once before, only nuns can dictate how you use pronouns. State universities cannot. A professor should expect freedom of grammar, unless he accepts an appointment at an Ivy League school. Or one run by nuns.

          Except in the real world. University presidents don’t always get it.

      2. Rengit

        At the risk of going even more off-topic:

        Was thinking more Isaiah Berlin, but Rawls is similar, yes. Slavery has a long tradition in human history, rooted in ideas about natural inequality between people, so I can see how some academics could run to the defense of slavery, or aristocracy, or monarchy, or serfdom, as a superior way of doing things; I wouldn’t agree personally, but unless you want to argue that everyone prior to 1789 was insane, stupid, or evil, then entertaining the idea seems reasonable. Martin Luther King Jr. himself assigned texts, reading assignments, and essay questions in the 1950s and 60s on Aristotle’s defense of slavery, all this without condemning Aristotle himself. Unless you’re a firm believer in Whig history, what’s the point in a class on political philosophy, history, etc, where all pre-French Revolution/Enlightenment ideas are cast as hopelessly benighted and denigrated as pure evil?

        But if this professor in question is going to start, e.g., treating his black students like slaves (to adjust the pronoun example, I think we can all agree that a professor who insists on referring to his black students as racial slurs “as an expression of his political beliefs” would cross this line), or the female students like kitchen wenches, or the gay students like vile sinners? Then it’s different, less of an academic freedom issue. Admittedly, a very tough line to draw.

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