But It *Could* Happen

As 135,000 people heard with their own two (or fewer) ears, the government was unable to provide evidence to support its claim that failure to lift the TRO on the travel ban executive order would result in harm. As Josh Blackman notes, as did I as well, the government tried to circumvent the gap.

The Government has pointed to no evidence that any alien from any of the countries named in the Order has perpetrated a terrorist attack in the United States. Rather than present evidence to explain the need for the Executive Order, the Government has taken the position that we must not review its decision at all. We disagree.

And all the world rejoiced? But this isn’t about the ban, but the test imposed by the court on government action. While the world may obsess about this one Executive Order, tell anecdotes of sad immigrants harmed to evoke your deepest empathy, it tends not to occur to people that many people suffer harm as a result of government actions, many far worse than here, many with far less reason. That’s why they tell you sad stories, so you melt into an emotional puddle and focus on the shiny harm in front of you rather than put it into a thoughtful context.

But what Josh raises is that the test to which the government was put here, the lack of evidence of a real harm, isn’t the test usually applied. Continue reading →

A Sociologist’s View Of Free Speech

That Katherine Cross’ last post was “Why Punching Nazis Is Not Only Ethical, But Imperative” shouldn’t put you off of reading what this sociologist, transfeminist, has to say about free speech. After all, who better to explain the Constitution?

Cross’ post takes liberals to task for ruining free speech by supporting it as a principle rather than a weapon to be used for, and against, evil. Her opening paragraphs set a definite tone:

Nothing proliferates speech quite like a debate about a white man’s inalienable right to it.

Ever since a bit of lighting equipment was set on fire at UC Berkeley, causing the cancellation of a planned rally by Breitbart editor and professional crypto-fascist troll Milo Yiannopoulos, we’ve seen endless handwringing and finger-wagging defending his right to free speech and chastising of the evil, violent protesters. Interestingly enough, there wasn’t anywhere near this much speech surrounding the attempted murder of an anti-fascist protester at the University of Washington by one of Milo’s supporters. Apparently, a right-winger trying to shoot someone to death matters less than an anarchist smashing a Starbucks window, but I digress.

Continue reading →

Making Sense Of An Unserious Position

The Ninth Circuit has ruled that it will not enjoin the order of Judge James Robart, granting a worldwide temporary restraining order on the implementation of Trump’s travel ban Executive Order. Noting the limits of what this decision addressed, because the procedure is fairly convoluted, it merely keeps the EO on ice for now. Trump ordered it. Robart said no. The 9th said not good enough to reverse Robart.

There is much for very thoughtful lawyers to take away from the Ninth Circuit’s per curiam opinion. If you want to take a deep dive into the arguments in support of the decision, read lawprofs Will Baude and Ilya Somin. For the less than supportive views, check out Josh Blackman and Eugene Kontorovich.

The decision has many moving parts, from the standing issue (is the State of Washington “injured” sufficiently to be able to assert its challenge to the EO?) to the “plenary power” doctrine (that decisions as to immigration and national security reside exclusively in the President, and are not reviewable by the courts). None of it is simple or obvious, though people assert them as if they are, and “it is because it is.” Continue reading →

The One Data Point Of Oral Argument

They say 135,000 people listened to the Ninth Circuit’s podcast of the telephone argument in Washington v. Trump. The LA Times offers a headline:

U.S. 9th Circuit judges appear to agree that states have standing to challenge travel ban

That’s not the way courts work, of course, but what does the LA Times care? One will know what the panel holds when it issues its decision, and even then, the court may not issue any more than a cursory granted or denied. Having listened to the argument, it’s not that the Times is wrong, but that it’s wrong to leap to conclusions about what a court will ultimately do. Every lawyer knows better than to leap to assumptions. Every lawyer who has ever argued a cause knows the crush when it went brilliantly, and then they lost.

To some, the interest in the argument, a piddly telephone argument about a TRO of all things, showed that people do care about the law. It’s hardly as clear as that. They cared about the travel ban, and only what the law could do to serve their certainty that Trump was wrong. Then again, it has a 55% approval rating according to Business Insider. Continue reading →

Best of Intentions In The Battle For Bucks

After Donald Trump twitted about how unfair Nordstrom was to his daughter, Ivanka, in dropping her line of whatever it is she sells, people were outraged that he used his presidency, not to mention his @POTUS twitter handle,* to back his child. On the bright side, word is that Nordstrom sold out of its Hermès “#TheResistance” Birkin bags, made of recycled toilet paper, on sale for $10,749.99.

In the meantime, the Senate confirmed the 84th Attorney General of the United States, Jeff Sessions. The combination of outrage at Sessions’ 30-year-old racism, plus McConnell’s making Liz Warren look sympathetic, consumed people’s daily dose of legalish outrage. Too bad so few paid much attention to things that Sessions might actually do with his hands on the wheel of the Department of Justice. You know, law stuff rather than racial injustice that makes you verklempt.

And that means it’s money time for the civil rights organizations that seem so very critical if you squint your eyes and don’t think too hard. They have no handbags to sell, so they are busy selling you what they can. Continue reading →

Cross: Caleb Kruckenberg, Helping Others, No Matter Which Side He’s On

February 8, 2017 (Fault Lines) — Scott Greenfield and David Meyer-Lindenberg cross Fault Lines contributor and Senior Associate at Levin & Zeiger, LLP.

Q. You went to the University of Kansas for undergrad. Kansas! What made a dyed-in-the-wool liberal want to study in the evolution-denyin’, criminal-fryin’ middle of the Midwest? Are the stereotypes true? Was it fun, a walk on the wild side? Or were you desperate to get out? You majored in history, but switched to painting midway through your degree. Were you going to be the next Caravaggio? Gauguin? Or Kusama Yayoi? Did you have an inkling you were going to end up as a lawyer?

A. I was born in Dodge City, Kansas, which is famous as the former “Sodom of the West” and the setting for Gunsmoke. By the time I came along it was really just a Wal-Mart and lots and lots of churches.

People who grow up in the rural center of the United States invariably fall into one of two broad categories: People who think climate change is a hoax perpetrated by the gay illuminati in an effort to disarm the populace so that our overlords in the New World Order can enforce Sharia law; or People who desperately want to live anywhere else. I think I was maybe three by the time I realized that I was in the latter category.

I don’t want to unfairly malign my home state too much or make unfair generalizations (primarily because I have a lot of family back there), but at the same time, most Kansans are too polite to say anything back to me so I can probably go even further. Growing up there was a bit like being raised in a cult. There is an appropriate way that everything must be done, but everyone is super nice about it. The food also sucks.

When I went to college, I wanted to get the hell out of Dodge, so to speak, but only made it as far as Lawrence before my money ran out. Probably because I was always an oppositional pain in the ass, everyone I knew always assumed I would become a lawyer. In order to defy that expectation I decided to be an artist instead. I even took it further and decided to make the most unpopular style of art I could think of – workmanlike and technically proficient history paintings. I can’t say I was necessarily very good, but I was very oppositional. So there’s that.

Q. After undergrad, you and your wife emigrated to Philadelphia. Your wife, an art historian, went to Temple for grad school, while you applied and got into the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts. Was the plan to work on your brush technique, or did you mean to sell out and become an academic? Are you ever glad you dodged that fate, given that today’s academics are either petrified of the militant children they teach or enthusiastic participants in the madness?

You stuck it out for exactly a year before you decided the artist’s life wasn’t for you. What was the straw that broke the camel’s back? What did your wife think? Back then, where was Caleb Kruckenberg headed?

A. My wife is another native Kansan who was desperate to escape. So after college, we were both game to flee to anywhere.

We ended up in Philadelphia basically on a whim, as that was the only city where we both were accepted to respective graduate programs.

Our plan was to both be academics. We would be poor and drink crappy red wine and engage in revolutionary politics. I would make deeply unpopular and extremely boring paintings of heroic nudes standing in contrapposto in my spare time while I taught my students the difference between an “H” and “B” pencil.

What no one ever shared with me (or at least no one I respected), is that essentially nobody becomes an academic anymore. The whole generation of bearded abstract expressionists with tenure is being replaced by armies of adjuncts with MFAs who primarily work at Trader Joes. And you have to really want it to make it past all those interviews at Trader Joes.

I eventually got really into the aggressive antagonism of Paul McCarthy (not the Beatle, but “Captain Ballsack”). Once I started down that road, I eventually concluded that the most oppositional thing I could do was to drop out and become a lawyer.

So between my bleak economic future and what I convinced myself was actually a very square sort of rebellion, I fulfilled my legal destiny.

Q. After PAFA, you took a volunteer internship with the Philly DA’s office. Why law? Why crimlaw? And what made you want to join the dark side and throw in with the prosecutors? What did you help them with? It seems they made a good impression, because you applied to law school while you were still working there. Was the plan to become one of them as soon as you passed the bar? Or did all the horrors you saw committed at the DA’s office convince you to join #TheResistance?

A. There is a show on A&E called the “First 48.” It’s a true crime show that follows homicide detectives around for the first 48 hours after a murder as they try to solve the case.

When I left PAFA, I was obsessed with it. My wife was working on her Ph.D., and we didn’t have any kids. So when I wasn’t working at my dumb part-time jobs, I just sat around my apartment in my underwear watching that show.

I think what drew me to that show was a fascination with people doing genuinely important work. There’s very little apparent moral ambiguity in solving murders – it’s an unqualified good and important thing that should be done.

It occurred to me that I could be a participant. While I didn’t necessarily want to be a police officer, I figured prosecution would be a good move. On a whim, I called the DA’s office and asked if they wanted an unpaid intern with a useless college degree. Like all government agencies, they said yes when they heard the word “unpaid” and let me join.

The DA’s office was great. I got assigned to a bureau that handled a lot of violent crimes and I was involved in witness meetings and spent a lot of time in court watching shit go down. It was really exciting, and the prosecutors I worked with were dedicated and genuinely cared about their work. I also fell in love with the culture. Growing up in Kansas I had never thought it possible to hear people in nice clothes say “fuck” all the time while they were at work. It felt like I was helping with important work, and also like I was part of a special club of people who gobbled Tums and barely slept while they held society together.

Q. You went to Temple Law, graduating in 2010. That was one of the toughest markets for baby lawyers in recent memory, and a lot of dreams of six-figure Biglaw salaries were crushed when you and your cohort hit the streets in search of a job. How’d you fare? Was there anything you wanted to do and were denied, or did you make a beeline for the Manhattan DA’s office? Did you disappoint your pals in Philly by not signing on with them? At that point in time, would you have considered defense?

A. During law school I just assumed I would join the Philly DA when I graduated.

I didn’t plan, however, on the economic collapse and the fact that every public agency in Philadelphia, including the DA’s office, would go into a hiring freeze. But they did, and I realized that my economic prospects in Philly were about as good as they had been when I was in art school.

For some reason all the DA’s offices, but none of the public defense organizations, in New York City were hiring. I interviewed with all of them, and was lucky enough to get a job in Manhattan.

From the perspective of someone who came to the law from watching television, this was an ideal placement. I mean, you may or may not be aware, but there has been at least one television show about the Manhattan DA’s office.

Q. As a newly minted Manhattan ADA, you were dispatched to the ever-unpopular Appeals Bureau, where, rumor has it, you had a fistfight with another prosecutor over legendary appeals chief Mark Dwyer’s old chair. Was it actually a fistfight? And did you win? How’d you end up with that assignment? Did you have to be “nudged,” given that most prosecutors prefer standing in the well to writing briefs all day? Or did you volunteer?

A. My rookie class at DANY was something like 100 lawyers. Of those, I would say one genuinely wanted to be placed in the Appeals Bureau. Everyone else was gunning for a trial assignment. Which makes sense, considering I wasn’t the only rookie ADA drawn to service by television.

I had worked for a Pennsylvania Supreme Court Justice during law school, which flagged my resume for a possible appeals spot. During the interview process, ADAs from Appeals kept showing up on my interview panels and asked me questions about preservation and standards of review. Once I got the job offer, the writing was on the wall about where I would end up.

I was officially asked to request an assignment, but I was worried, perhaps unreasonably, that they might pull my job offer if I asked for anything other than Appeals. So I did, and, shockingly, that was where they put me.

In the end it was a really good assignment. I handled more than 100 cases on appeal while I was there, which meant that I basically dissected all of those cases from start to finish. Doing that kind of post-mortem is a great way to understand the legal issues – what works and doesn’t work, and even the mundane process of litigating a case.

I came into DANY at a time of change. Robert Morgenthau retired the year before I joined after about 250 years in the position. The longtime Appeals Bureau chief Mark Dwyer also stepped down to join the bench at about the same time. When I showed up at the office, it was like the whole office was trying to learn how to manage in a totally new world.

Aside from prestige, DANY is remarkable in the shabbiness of its office space. After a few years at the office, ADAs can expect to move up to shared offices, and may even get a few select pieces of furniture that still function as they were originally intended.

One of my greatest triumphs at DANY was capitalizing on the uncertainty in the office in 2010 to acquire Mark Dwyer’s former desk chair. Through a series of elaborate trades, I was able to transition from my original non-reclining, heavily stained and cracked chair to Mark’s decades-old thousand-pound monstrosity. The chair was definitely no more comfortable than anyone else’s, but it was a pure power move to end up with it. I miss it.

Were you one of those appeals prosecutors who mailed it in, change the names around in the same old brief and called it a day? Or did you only put your pen to bespoke work? Were the periodic appearances before the NY Supreme Court’s Appellate Division something you relished, or did you long for the security of your desk?

I hate form briefs. I hate “boilerplate” sections. I hate being told not to “reinvent the wheel.” Because criminal appeals generally involve a few narrow classes of related issues in hundreds of different cases, there is a strong incentive to rely on what has worked before. As a government agency, moreover, the DA’s office wants to have a unified stance on cases and issues, and so leans even more heavily on what has come before.

I butted heads with my superiors all the time about wanting to do things my own way. I convinced myself at the time that it was about doing things better than they had been done before. In hindsight, a lot of that was unqualified egotism.

Regardless, I put a lot into my work at the DA’s office, and I stand behind everything I wrote.

I liked appellate work. (I still do.) But by nature I am a courtroom attorney. I adored oral arguments, and took every opportunity I could to appear before the Appellate Division. Not only was it fun to appear before a panel of five judges, but the courtroom is unbelievable. I have practiced law all over the country and been in lots of courthouses, but nothing compares to the Appellate Division, First Department in opulence.

Q. Prosecutors rarely lose an appeal in New York’s First Judicial Department. What about you? Ever lose one? If yes, did you deserve to lose it? Conversely, did you ever win one you really wish you hadn’t?

Ever been the appellant? If so, how’d you do? And was cleaning up a trial prosecutor’s mess an interesting change of pace?

You were good at your job. (Obviously; we only take the best at Fault Lines.) But be honest: was your success rate due to your mad appellate skillz, or do you think you’d have fared differently if you hadn’t been wearing the white hat?

A. In about 100 appellate cases, I lost 3. For an appellate prosecutor, that’s actually a pretty lousy appellate record. We were supposed to win every case.

One case that I was proud to lose was People v. McGann. This was a case where my office had prosecuted a homeless man for sleeping on the sidewalk. We used a “quality of life” ordinance that was originally meant to stop the scourge of abandoned cars on the streets of New York that Mayor Giuliani dug up and repurposed to criminalize homelessness to arrest the defendant when he refused to go to a homeless shelter. Instead of doing what most people do and simply plead guilty in exchange for an ACD (Adjournment in Contemplation of Dismissal) at his first appearance, the defendant had called bullshit and fought against us all the way. He was right to do that, and I’m glad he won.

The one case that I won that I wish I hadn’t was People v. McCray. Like most states, in New York residential burglary is more serious than non-residential. What makes a building residential is that it has a home or rooming house attached to it. In New York City, basically everything qualifies as a residence, and it is up to individual prosecutors to use their sound discretion to charge residential burglary where appropriate.

This defendant had burglarized Madame Tussaud’s Wax Museum in Times Square, but he had been charged and convicted with residential burglary because the Hilton Hotel sits on top of the same massive building that houses the museum. I defended the case on appeal and the Court of Appeals eventually affirmed that, yes, the museum was a “residence,” no matter how unfair that might seem.

Q. You underwent a radical career change in 2013 when you left the DA’s office to become a New Mexico State public defender. Why’d you hang up your prosecutor spurs? And why New Mexico? You left Manhattan in November; didn’t you worry you were going to miss NYC’s refreshingly brisk winters? Was it difficult for you to break out of the prosecutor’s mindset, switch from putting people behind bars to fighting to keep them free? Other former prosecutors who’ve done what you did report a change in empathy toward criminal defendants. Did you have to do some recalculating, or did you know exactly what you were getting yourself into?

A. While I was originally attracted to prosecution because I wanted to do something important to help people, the reality is that most criminal charges are not about individual redress but maintaining social order. Abstractly, drug crimes have victims, often the defendant himself. But, after a while, it is hard to get motivated about making sure a drug dealer, or user, stays in prison. After three years as a prosecutor, I had had enough and decided to go to defense.

Of course, when you spend years being gung ho about prosecution, it’s hard to convince public defense organizations that you are on their side.

On a whim, I applied for a job at the New Mexico State Public Defender. They paid well and would accept my out-of-state law license, and my wife and I were both sick of New York City. I didn’t really think anything would come of it.

I interviewed on a Thursday, and had a job offer the next day. I put in my notice the following Monday and got out of New York just as the really crappy weather was setting in.

Q. The New Mexico public defender made you a felony trial attorney right off the bat, about as far from appellate work as it’s possible to get. Was that a deliberate decision? You thrived on the work, even though you were suddenly playing for the other team, in a different, especially high-pressure role, and managing a PD’s caseload – over 100 cases at any given time. How’d you do it? And how’d you adjust to the different culture of a PD’s office? The lack of resources, the incredible demands on your time, the stark realities of representing the indigent and underserved? Did you find that judges treated you with suspicion where they used to laugh at your jokes? Ever think to yourself, “I should’ve stayed in 1 Hogan Place?”

A. One of the big selling points for me at the PD’s office is that they agreed to make me a felony trial assistant. I always wanted to try cases and they gave me the chance right away. When I got there on my first day, I had a huge stack of files assigned to me, and my supervisor basically just told me “good luck.”

I loved that job. My first trial was a first-degree murder case that I tried with another lawyer who had also just started at the office. We got a not-guilty verdict and I was absolutely hooked on trial work.

Q. One year into your job with the state of New Mexico, you were poached by the federal public defender. Suddenly, you were no longer facing run-of-the-mill prosecutors backed up by local and state cops, but the feds, with nearly unlimited resources at their disposal and a nasty habit of building their case for years before bringing them to trial. Was it a very different assignment from being a state PD? How do federal public defenders’ offices differ in their approach?

You continued your hot streak at trial, but you also went back to doing appeals. Was it like a homecoming, or did your year of standing in the well leave you feeling like you were warming the bench?

Speaking of which, it’s finally time for the obligatory first trial question. What was your first trial as a federal defender like? Whom were you representing? What were you up against? Going in, did you believe you had the win in the bag? And were you right?

A. The best thing about practicing in a small legal community is that it is easy to quickly build a reputation. I had a few pretty big wins at the PD’s office, and was able to finagle that into a spot with the federal defender after just a year in New Mexico.

Federal practice was a whole different animal though. In state practice you can often win cases just because the police and prosecutors are overwhelmed. Stuff falls through the cracks.

That doesn’t happen in federal court. I once had a client who was caught on video by a drone selling machine guns to the ATF. That’s not a case you can win by attrition.

Still, there are opportunities to fight federal cases – you just have to be enterprising.

One of the most far-reaching victories I’ve ever had, in any setting, was a case that seemed hopeless. I had a client charged with re-entry after removal, which is basically the crime of returning to the U.S. after you’ve been deported. If a person has a criminal history, then he is guaranteed prison time. My client had previously been convicted of a federal drug conspiracy, which was based on his act of carrying a backpack of marijuana into the U.S. from Mexico, for which he had been sentenced to 90 days in jail and deported. He returned again, and this time was looking at several years in prison.

I made a very technical argument that his conspiracy conviction should not be counted as a “drug trafficking offense” under the sentencing guidelines, and he should only face about a year in jail.

I lost at the trial level, but won on appeal, and, in the process, created a circuit split. Maybe most significantly, that decision applies to lots of different parts of the sentencing guidelines, and has potentially saved a very large number of people from having sentencing enhancements applied to them.

As far as trial, my happiest moment came when a jury found one of my clients not guilty after he was arrested with approximately 7 pounds of cocaine hidden in a car he was driving when he came across the border. My client was a young father from Mexico who had been recruited by a family member to buy construction materials in the United States. My client didn’t know that his family member had arranged to have drugs hidden in his vehicle. So-called “blind mules” are actually fairly common at the border, but that doesn’t really stop the government from prosecuting them. Fortunately the jury was able to overcome what might have seemed like the implausibility of the defense, and found him not guilty. Instead of serving a mandatory five-year prison sentence, he went home to his wife and kids.

Q. Last year, shortly before you joined Fault Lines, you went back to Philly to become a senior associate at Levin & Zeiger LLP, where you handle criminal defense (especially post-conviction) work and represent clients in civil-rights actions against the government. How’d you get the offer? What made you decide to take the job? After a lifetime of cashing the taxpayer’s checks, was it a shock to join the private sector, become a working stiff like everyone else? Have you come full circle? Is there anything left of Caleb the prosecutor, or are you fully committed to gunning for the government? When are you going to make partner, anyway? And what comes after that?

Last summer I got a call out of the blue from a lawyer in Philadelphia who I did some work for while I was in law school offering me a job. It was a total surprise. But my wife and I had always wanted to come back to Philly and so we just said yes and I joined Levin & Zeiger, LLP.

Before I joined my current firm I hadn’t given much, if any, real thought to how lawyers in private practice make a living. As a government employee, cases just keep appearing on your desk, and you get paid at the end of the month. The only real thought I put into the mechanics was bitching about how I wasn’t getting paid enough.

Getting butts in the door is, by far, the biggest challenge of private practice. You can be the absolute best lawyer on earth and fail miserably if you can’t convince people to hire you (and then insist that they actually pay you).

I am fortunate in that the partners at my firm hired me because they have too much work to do entirely on their own, but also want nothing more than for me to develop my own practice and get my own clients. It is a very collaborative and mutually beneficial arrangement.

One of the great things about my current practice is that I get to focus on what I want to do, versus what shows up on my desk. I still have a number of appellate cases, but I focus a lot on plaintiffs’-side civil rights cases. Those cases are a return to what got me into the law in the first place.

I wanted to be a prosecutor because I wanted to help people who were victims of crime. In practice, prosecution focuses on what the defendant did, because often the only victim is societal order.

In civil rights cases, the whole focus is on making a victim whole and righting whatever wrong happened to them. This is uniquely satisfying; particularly when my clients are marginalized members of the community who have never really had anyone stick up for them before.

Civil Forfeiture, From The Top

It’s like the last 40 years never happened. Sure, you’re all woke about in rem asset forfeiture now. The stories of travesties abound, of innocent people whose cash was stolen by cops, left to fight back if the cost of possibly winning didn’t exceed the cost of walking away. We’ve been here. We’ve done this.

From the early days of civil asset forfeiture, when almost everyone locked arms in support of the “take the profit out of crime” trope because it only happened to drug dealers, we’ve come a long way. And now gone back to square one.

President Donald Trump said on Tuesday there was “no reason” to curb law enforcement agencies that seize cash, vehicles and other assets of people suspected of crimes, a practice that some lawmakers and activists have criticized for denying legal rights.

The issue of civil asset forfeiture, created to disrupt the activities of organized crime groups, arose when sheriffs from around the United States told Trump at a White House meeting that they were under pressure to ease the practice. Continue reading →

The Senate’s Insidious Hypocritical Rebuke (Update)

It’s a truism that free speech is usually defended on behalf of the most despised among us, putting me in the unpleasant position of speaking out for Elizabeth Warren. The junior senator from Massachusetts sought to read a 30-year-old letter from Coretta Scott King, dating to Attorney General nominee Jeff Sessions’ failed effort to be confirmed as an Article III judge.

Sen. Elizabeth Warren has earned a rare rebuke by the Senate for — believe it or not — quoting Coretta Scott King on the Senate floor.

The Massachusetts Democrat ran afoul of the chamber’s arcane rules by reading a 30-year-old letter from Dr. Martin Luther King’s widow that dated to Sen. Jeff Sessions’ failed judicial nomination three decades ago.

The chamber is debating the Alabama Republican’s nomination for attorney general, with Democrats dropping senatorial niceties to oppose Sessions and Republicans sticking up for him.

This was, of course, part of the dog and pony show put on by the nation’s most genteel deliberative body for public consumption. There was nothing new about the letter, or the characterization of Sessions it reflected. Warren was playing to her tribe, using the Senate as her stage. This isn’t exactly a new thing in Congress. Continue reading →

Begging The Word Rape

Nebraska Senior District Court Judge Richard Kopf got an imaginative complaint for declaratory judgment. Rape? Federal judges don’t deal with rape.

The suit sought a declaratory judgment against a state court judge (a male) who was knee-deep in handling a high profile date-rape trial. The judge was named as the sole defendant in his official capacity only. In essence, [Wendy] Murphy (together with other lawyers) and her client, the alleged victim, wanted me to instruct the state court judge on the proper reading of the rules of evidence and the law regarding motions in limine in a date-rape prosecution then pending in the District Court of Lancaster County, Nebraska.

But for Judge Kopf, it wasn’t about the act of rape, but the word “rape,” an entirely different problem.  Not only did Judge Kopf dismiss the complaint, but he imposed Rule 11 sanctions for this novel action.

One of the lawyers for the plaintiff was Wendy Murphy, an “adjunct professor of sexual violence law at New England Law Boston.”  Ms. Murphy describes herself as an “impact litigator” on issues of sexual violence against women.

Continue reading →

Race To The Bottom, Audi Edition

Did it get you? Did it make you feel all sad for your daughter? Did it make you want to buy an Audi because they’re so very social justice-y? During Super Bowl 51, you were fed a diet of social justice marketing, with Audi offering one of the most flagrant.

Whether you think this was a substantively persuasive pitch, too politically overt, silly or disingenuous, Audi paid a lot of money to get us to see it. Some might suggest the money would have been better spent actually paying their underpaid women, but then nobody would have known of their concern.

Carl Marci, chief neuroscientist at Nielsen, the TV ratings company, said, “If you make people think too much or get too serious during a game where people are really looking to be entertained, you’re taking a risk.”

That risk can pay off, though.

Continue reading →