Category Archives: Uncategorized

Children Hostage in the War on Pot

The details are pretty sketchy, and the source pretty partisan, so let’s assume the worst for the sake of argument.  Via Toke Signals, which should give you a clue about the sources perspective:

The home of Idaho marijuana activists Lindsey and Josh Rinehart was raided on Tuesday by Boise Police and Child Protective Services while Lindsey, Josh and their friend Sarah Caldwell, a fellow marijuana activist, were on a small trip to the mountains.


Lindsey and Josh’s two children were taken into “protective custody,” and because Sarah’s two children were also at the residence with the babysitter, they were taken as well.


It’s left unsaid what exactly the arrests might be for, but I would take a wild guess and say it probably has something to do with this:


“This happened yesterday, so now it’s a waiting game for hearings and to see if the state is pressing charges,” Frank said. “When the police raided the house they took several garbage bags full of evidence (Lindsey has MS) so charges are probably being filed as we speak.

Several garbage bags full of evidence can mean a lot of things. Let us assume that the evidence is marijuana, and the “several garbage bags full” means, say, a lot of it. Enough of it to make it a felony punishable by a term of years in prison.

The parents of the children taken are open supporters of marijuana legalization, leaders of the movement to make medical marijuana available in Idaho. 



Lindsey Rinehart is the director, chief petitioner and volunteer coordinator for Compassionate Idaho’s medical marijuana petition. She is also a core member of the Idaho HOPEFest Committee and of Idaho Moms for Marijuana. Josh Rinehart is Lindsey’s husband, director of Idaho NORML, and core member of Idaho HOPEFest and Compassionate Idaho.



Sarah Caldwell is executive director of finance in Moms For Marijuana International. She is also a founding member of Idaho Moms for Marijuana, founding director of Compassionate Idaho, Idaho NORML, and the Idaho HOPEFest.


They shouldn’t have been terribly hard for the police to find if they were inclined to hunt them down as heinous criminals. They’re names and addresses were likely all over the place. It’s one of the risks one takes when deciding to take a stand on an issue like the legalization of marijuana, where enlightenment comes one state at a time, one police department at a time. 

Why the Boise police chose that day to raid the Rhinehart’s home isn’t said, but the fact that they were away makes the timing curious. The fact that the only adult there was a baby sitter with the children too. And the fact that it wasn’t only the Rhinehart’s children, but the children of a fellow activist as well, seems especially interesting. 

In the scheme of grave injustices, one can argue which is worse. Is it the beatings or maimings?  Is it a killing or the humiliation of having an officer insert a hand into a woman’s vagina on the public roadside.  There are no shortage of grave injustices, and while most people believe the one they endured to be the most horrible, there is no real need to argue the hierarchy of which is worse. They are all wrong, and there is no reason to compete.

But this raid stinks of the deliberate intent to seize the Rhinehart’s and Caldwell’s children.  The cops came with Child Protective Services in tow. These activists didn’t hide in the shadows like the anonymous tough guys of the internet, but put their names to their beliefs and made themselves open targets in the War on Drugs.

It’s no stretch to suppose that the police knew the parents were off while the children remained behind.  Not alone. Not without care. But without a parent present to call a neighbor, a relative, someone to take custody of their children if the parents were arrested. 

That the police believe in their holy war against these heinous marijuana activists presents one issue, an issue with which a great many people disagree. But that they seized their children and hold them hostage as part of their battle plan is an outrage.  Forget the benign rhetoric used by the government when it comes to children, like the dubiously named Child Protective Services.  Forget the way politicians appeal to our emotion by tossing about the “do it for the children” argument whenever they want to crush another right or criminalize half the population.

The children of the Rhineharts and Sarah Caldwell were kidnapped by the police as a weapon in the war.  They are a bargaining chip to shut the activists down and put them away.  Had these children been taken by anyone else, there would be a thousand person hunt for their whereabouts. Instead, they will face a grueling battle with a system designed to impose a Puritan’s vision of proper child-rearing.



“They are heartbroken and just want their babies back,” Frank said. “Unfortunately, it’s a long, drawn-out process once CPS has them in custody.



“All three of these dedicated cannabis warriors are physically disabled, and receive very little to no income, and absolutely zero income from any of their volunteer efforts in cannabis reform,” Frank said. “They are all in need of help to retain both family law and criminal law attorneys.


They can fight the battle for marijuana reform. They should have realized that they risked arrest at any moment. This is the price of taking a stand.  But having the state kidnap their children and hold them for ransom wasn’t part of the deal.  Fight with the parents all you want, but leave the children out of it. Do it for the children.

H/T Radley Balko

Fun With Numbers

In perhaps the most ridiculously insipid story to ever grace the pages of the ABA Journal, Debra Cassens Weiss writes about a law firm whose grasp of social media is so fundamentally poor that they are offering prizes for Facebook “likes.” 


The firm’s founders are trying to raise its visibility with a social media campaign that includes “thank you Thursdays” offering prizes for “likes,” the Daily Herald reports. One recent prize was a three-month membership at a local gym.
Some wags spoke ill of the ABA Journal for posting such a story, saying it must have been a slow news day. And worse. But not me. I appreciated Weiss’ post, because it informed me that the void in lawyers’ grasp of social media continues unabated. Without this story, how would I know of yet another law firm who thinks that meaningless “likes,” the sort of thing that brings joy to every 12-year-old in need of validation, is the path to success?

Which brings me to  Jamison Koehler’s post about being solicited by Avvo, the one-time claimant to the next generation of lawyer ratings which has since admitted that it’s nothing more than another marketing scheme.


Some marketing guy from Avvo called me the other day, and I shut him down the same way I shut down most marketers: I told him I am so swamped with business that I couldn’t possibly take on one more case.
Each of us has our own preferred method of shutting down cold calls. Jamie has his. Mine is to tell them how fascinated I am with their solicitation, and then quietly hang up the phone so that they launch into their pitch and continue talking until they eventually realize that I’ve long since hung up. To each his own.

Jamison then explains what disturbs him about the Avvo marketing claims.


For example:  Avvo claims that my profile was “seen” by 1,566 “potential clients over the past 30 days.  I have no idea what it means to be “seen”:  Does this mean that my profile came up on 1,566 searches for a criminal defense lawyer in D.C. or Virginia?  Or that someone actually clicked through to my profile?

If I averaged 1,500 views a month over that time period, which is just under the number they say I had for the last 30 days, that would come to 63,000 “potential clients” who had seen my profile. And yet, as far as I know, I have not had a single person even contact me through my Avvo profile, much less decide to hire me.  “I found you through Avvo” is something I have never once heard.
From this, he invokes the maxim, Falsus in uno, falsus in omnibus.  Jamie has the benefit of some experience with social media marketing, knowing that the only number that matters is that reflecting the number of potential clients, those who seek his services, those who seek services in his practice area, and those who have the ability to retain him, matter. After doing in-depth calculations, he arrives at the grand total: zero.

I have previously admitted to being  retained once by someone who found me on Avvo. That was in 2009.  It hasn’t happened since, though there have been plenty of calls and emails from people who found me on Avvo, but not “potential clients.”  There are no shortage of people using social media to get free answers to questions, inquire as to my interest in their pro bono representation, demand a free consultation about their public urination case in Oswego (“you do go to Oswego, right?”).  How Jamison avoids these calls is beyond me.

Lawyers are grasping at straws, closing their eyes and clicking their heels, to find a magic path to success. They cling to the numbers because it seems as if they ought to mean something.  My buddy Kevin O’Keefe is constantly noting how many users there are of Twitter, LinkedIn, Facebook, whatever.  The implicit assumption is that if there are numbers, there must be business. 

One would hope lawyers, purportedly smart enough to entrust with the lives and fortunes of others, would be able to parse the concept better, but empty stomachs make for empty heads.  Lawyers fall for illogical arguments fast, often expecting the inheritance from their Nigerian royal ancestors any day now.  And they will listen to the Avvo pitch without the benefit of Jamison’s experience.

As for me, I plan to “like” that law firm in the ABA Journal story. No, I won’t refer a case to them. Not that I would have anyway, but this story puts to rest any suspicion that they can be trusted.  But if they want to give me a prize for something as absurd as a Facebook “like,” I’ll take it. 

Prison Nation: Assume Nothing

At PrawfsBlawg, John Pfaff posts a graph that sucks the air out of the room.

Fig1
We tend to address the explosion in prison population as a direct result of the War on Drugs, and it’s a foundational argument to end the war.  Pfaff raises some issues:

Today, the US is home to about 5% of the world’s prisoners population, but nearly 25% of its prisoners. Our prison-and-jail incarceration rate* of 756 (in 2011) is the highest in the world . The countries filling out the top ten (in descending order) are Russia, Cuba, Belarus, Belize, Georgia (the country—the state has a higher rate), Kazakhstan, Suriname, South Africa, Botswana, Israel, Ukraine, and Chile; Russia’s rate of 629** putting it in the number 2 slot.

Like all zombie ideas, the claim linking the War on Drugs to this explosion has some facial plausibility. The surge in incarceration and the War on Drugs started around the same time (if you use the Reagan Administration, not the Nixon one, as the starting point for the War on Drugs). And between 1980 and 2009, the number of prisoners incarcerated on drug offenses rose by approximately 1,175%! 

But like with all zombies, cracks in the argument become quickly apparent. Take the 1,175% number. In 1980, there were 19,000 drug inmates in state prison, a number which soared to 242,200 in 2009. And yes, that means there are more people in prison today for drug crimes than were in prison in 1972 for all crimes (around 200,000).


But in 2009, there were over 1.36 million people in state prison. And 242,200 is only 17.7% of 1.36M. So a lot of non-drug offenders were added to prison during those years, too—a lot more, in fact, than drug offenders.

There are some gaps in the reasoning, such as the contention that drug addicts, in order to feed their habits, engage in property crime to get the money for drugs. There are drug dealers fighting over turf, which produces violent crime. In other words, drug crime isn’t limited to the possession or sale of narcotics, but all the ancillary conduct that flows from it, and a million drug addicts can do an awful lot of damage.

While the stats don’t make all the distinctions that one might want, and may well leave open the question of whether drugs, and the War on Drugs, plays a larger role than the statistics show, the point remains that our outrageous prison population cannot be explained, not by a long shot, as a by-product of drugs.

The other explanation, of course, is that it is a by-product of our embrace of “tough on crime” politics, where no sentence is long enough, no crime punished harshly enough, so satisfy the public or quell politicians cries for more crimes and longer sentences.


Consider the following thought experiment. What would US prison populations in 2009 look like if in 1980 we released all 23,900 prisoners serving time for drug offenses (the 19,000 state prisoners plus 4,900 federal drug inmates) and proceeded to admit no prisoners for drug crimes in the subsequent years? Instead of rising 3.8-fold, it would have risen 3-fold. A difference, but not an enormous one.
My pal  Gideon has been doing yeoman’s work pounding home the point that there, in a prison cell, but for the grace of God, go each of us.  We are them. We are one bad turn, one mistake, one falsely accused mistake, away from becoming one of these statistics. 

But then, until it touches our lives, the  Aaron Swartz phenomenon to use a recent example, people neither know nor care.  And even when someone we know and care about falls into the clutches of the monster we’ve created, myopia prevents us from recognizing that it’s not a fluke, attributable to one especially over-zealous prosecutor or one particularly vague law.

While the Swartz case, and his suicide, might have served to enlighten a generation of geeks as to a legal system that has been locking people away for absurdly long periods, it instead devolved to a misguided fantasy where the system was generally fine, but in that one instance went bad.  Instead of enlightening, the efforts of well-intended by ignorant people diverted attention from the real problems. 

It was a terrible shame that the opportunity to make a substantial segment of the population more knowledgeable was lost.  And make no mistake, it was lost.  The discussion surrounding the Swartz suicide was grossly misguided and clearly wrong, and yet those who cared about Swartz suffered a devastating bout of Dunning-Kruger Syndrome.

For the most part, the only instances of crime-related information that is widely disseminated is the stuff that makes our blood boil, that makes us want to increase sentences, impose life plus cancer, hate the criminal and demand that more be done. Every dead child breeds a call for a new crime. Every tragedy turns into a marketing opportunity to fill prison cells, because the prisons aren’t full enough.

And as much as those of us concerned with, and knowledgeable about, the system know how misguided this is, we must stop denying that majority of Americans don’t applaud these measures. How many more politicians will glide to office on promises of life in prison for jaywalkers?

As marijuana laws change, and they clearly appear to be changing, this graph suggests that it won’t change America from being the world’s foremost jailor. Sure, ending the War on Drugs matters and will help, but it won’t solve the problem.  Until we stop sentencing people to 10 years where one will do, it won’t stop. And until people stop calling for blood every time a new story of crime or tragedy appears in the media, it won’t stop.  And because no one else see it, or gives a damn, it’s left to use to keep pounding this message home.

It may not work?  Very true. But giving up and watching silently as Prison Nation persists is not an option.

Barred or Barred?

In the Empire State, we refer to lawyers who are authorized to practice law as “admitted.”  Whenever someone used the word “barred,” my mind immediately envisions an iron gate making it impossible to get through.  As in, the lawyer was barred from any public place where pleasant people congregate.

In other locales, the word “barred” means that a person is admitted to the bar. Weird locales to a New York lawyer’s ear.

But what makes it even weirder is when the lawyer refers to those locales as the places where they find and represent clients, even though they are neither admitted nor barred.  That’s because lawyers, whether you like it or not, are only authorized to be lawyers in places where they have been barred. Or admitted, if you come from a place where people don’t talk funny.

This is a fairly fundamental aspect to being a lawyer.  Just as a cop is only a cop in the geographical area of his employment, authorized by law to make split-second decisions that elsewhere would assure him a murder charge, a lawyer can only practice law where the sanctioning authority says he can. Practicing law in places where a lawyer is unauthorized is a pretty clear wrong, much like raiding an escrow account because that new car is calling your name.  Even the ABA, in rule 5.5, admits as much, and they are certainly the last carry the torch of arcane ethical rules.

One would think that the disciplinary authority of jurisdictions where a person engaged in the unauthorized practice of law would take something so obvious pretty seriously.  After all, if they don’t keep a lid on who gets to hang around their jurisdiction claiming to be a lawyer, then what’s to stop anybody from doing so?  And if anybody can do so, then the public would be deceived and led to seek legal advice from people of dubious competence and devoid of ethics, and the bar associations wouldn’t get their dues paid. It would be a disaster all around.

Which led me to ponder the significance of this  description of a law practice.


She is barred to practice law in New York and New Jersey–but she lives in South Dakota with her husband and one year-old daughter. She services clients living everywhere from Bangladesh and Costa Rica to California and Florida.
Nobody is “barred” in New York and New Jersey, where local custom is to call it “admitted,” the first give-away that something is amiss.  The rules of admission, the lawfulness of practicing law if you will, do not seem to strike home here. To add to the issue, New Jersey has rather stringent physical office requirements. A quick click on the New Jersey lawyer registration records puts this lawyer in Phoenix, Arizona, which isn’t too often confused with Fargo.

The notion of authorization to practice law being limited by geography is very old school to new lawyers.  Even the  Cato Institute thinks it’s time to scrap it, if only to reduce lawyers fees by making lawyers compete nationwide.  I’m disinclined to go with the convenient flow on this one, until someone comes up with a way to make lawyers sufficiently competent in the law and procedure of 51 jurisdictions to safeguard clients.  Of course, if the lawyer is sufficiently superficial, then the differences between jurisdictions don’t really matter that much; they are relatively incompetent in all jurisdictions, making the unauthorized practice of law the least of the problems.

The rationale for eschewing such archaic rules as this is two-fold. First, that the internet has changed everything, by making it easy for anyone to promote themselves online to people anywhere and everywhere, and shouldn’t a person be entitled to take money from anyone willing to give it?

The second is that old lawyers, the ones who think there is some merit in ethical rules for lawyers, tend to hate anything new and anyone who has found a better way.  We fear the new, as the young will steal our business by being smarter, cuter, cooler and more cutting edge.  Ethics rules exist to keep them down, to oppress them and prevent them from seizing upon new ideas, new technologies that take away our edge of experience and shift the mojo.  We must hate them for ruining our perfect lawyer world.

It strikes me that while their rationale is silly, as what the post describes as a “successful practice” wouldn’t be sufficient to support my addiction to three regular meals, there is a point to their cutting edge efforts. If it’s cool with the disciplinary authorities in New York, New Jersey, South Dakota, California, Florida and Costa Rica (assuming they have anything remotely similar to what we have), then why shouldn’t this lawyer be able to engage in the unauthorized practice of law?

Either it’s a good rule, in which case the sanctioning bodies need to enforce it, or it’s not, in which case they ought to cross it off the books.  But as long as it remains a basic rule of being a lawyer, some of us will adhere to it because we feel compelled to honor our ethical requirements. 

So which is it, guys?  Am I barred from representing folks any damn place I want or not?  If things like the unauthorized practice of law are too old school to bother with, let’s clear this up and quell the commotion. Either way, get off your tired old butts and deal with this.

Elvis Has Left The Courthouse

As someone point out on twitter, people who were  critical of the Redditors who started wild accusations against innocent people for the Boston Marathon bombing should be similarly critical of the government for having wrongly arrested Elvis impersonator Paul Curtis on charged he sent letters to government officials, including President Obama, that contained the poison ricin.

It’s not quite the same thing, but the point is duly noted. The government was dead wrong. Curtis is completely innocent. Another front page accusation down the tubes.

From the New York Times :

This month, Mr. Obama; Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi; and Sadie Holland, a Lee County judge, received threatening letters postmarked Memphis and filled with a white powder. Tests confirmed it was ricin, a poison made from castor beans that can be lethal.

The letters read: “Maybe I have your attention now even if that means someone must die. This must stop. To see a wrong and not expose it, is to become a silent partner to its continuance.” They were signed: “I am KC and I approve this message,” a phrase that Mr. Curtis had used on his Facebook page.

According to a senior federal law enforcement official, the authorities were first drawn to Mr. Curtis because the language used in the letters was strikingly similar to language he had used before in letters to elected officials.

When trying to find a needle in a haystack, you use whatever presents itself. Angry words, unusual phrasing, that leads investigators to an individual offer a pretty strong indication of the sender. And Curtis turned out to be an odd duck, aside from his chosen occupation.  He had a “long history of mental illness, including bipolar disorder,” according to his family and friends. Just the sort of person to do something, well, crazy.

Except he didn’t.


Mr. Curtis, a party entertainer who dresses and sings as Elvis, Prince, Johnny Cash, Bon Jovi and others, had been in jail since Wednesday. He said he had never even heard of ricin. “I thought they said rice,” he said. “I said I don’t even eat rice.”

On Monday, an F.B.I. agent, Brandon Grant, said that investigators had not found ricin or ingredients for making it while searching Mr. Curtis’s house or vehicle. The F.B.I.’s search of Mr. Curtis’s computer found no evidence that he researched making ricin, Mr. Grant said.

Last Wednesday, he was the ricin mailer. Seven days later, he was just another bipolar celebrity impersonator smeared in the media across the country who didn’t commit the crime.

Just as Curtis’ words in his Facebook account, like his letters to public officials, struck the feds as familiar, so too does his arrest, public smearing and subsequent release.  Richard Jewell, anyone?

But the system worked this time, right?  Charges against Curtis were dismissed and he thanked the prosecutors for cutting him loose.  So if Curtis was cool with his week in the government’s crosshairs, the media’s meat grinder, who are we (am I?) to make a big deal of this?

The problem doesn’t begin or end with Curtis, curious and colorful fellow though he may be.  Had the feds found anything that could remotely have been used to manufacture poison, or perhaps a weapon of mass destruction, defined by Congress as anything that goes “boom,” chances are that the prosecutors wouldn’t have been nearly as sanguine about dismissing the charges.  

More importantly, given the absence of any hard evidence that Curtis was the ricin mailer, might the government have taken a bit more time before arresting him in the first place?  Sure, high profile events call for immediate response, lest the people think the feds impotent and incompetent.  On TV, people are caught, prosecuted and sentenced before the hour is up, with commercials. The government wouldn’t want people to think any less of them in real life.

And having prematurely arrested Curtis, it becomes plain how the government’s efforts are directed not at following whatever investigative leads present themselves, but gathering evidence solely directed toward convicting the person they caught. Catch first, prove later. And if the wrong person is caught, that person not only continues to breath free air and think of new evil ideas, but can rest assured that any evidence pointing his way will be ignored or buried, since the one thing the government hates to do is find evidence that the person in custody is the wrong person. Stuff like that, like Brady, can really screw up the likelihood of conviction.

Still, Curtis suffered from being charged with a high profile offense.  Anything involving the President of the United States makes the papers.  But the investigation that led to his arrest, his mistaken arrest, bore the same hallmarks as the tools used by the government in deciding who the criminal is in other cases.  Except in high profile cases, they try to do it better because a lot of people are watching and they don’t want to look foolish.

In other cases, where there are no reporters asking questions and aside from the suspect’s family and a friend or two, similar investigative techniques are used but without nearly this much effort to get it right.  Nor is it likely that the government would have been quite as accommodating when its effort to find proof, post arrest, failed so miserably.  Instead, there was  always the tried and true method of pounding the rhetoric to make what little they had seem overwhelming, to smear the defendant with mental illness which proves nothing but prejudices him in the eyes of the public, and see whether they can slip it past a judge and even a jury.

Much to the surprise of many, chances are pretty darn good that even such a flimsy case would have been enough for a jury to convict. Contrary to surmise, juries tend to embrace the government’s position, because they wouldn’t prosecute if he wasn’t guilty.  Either way, Elvis would leave the courthouse, but this time he was lucky to head home rather than a metropolitan correctional center. This time.

A Fact Found About Brady and Ken Anderson

Ken Anderson gets to have “Honorable” put before his name because of tradition, even in the caption of the probable cause order listing the offenses with which he is charged :

At the hands of the Honorable Ken Anderson, Michael Morton spent nearly 25 years in prison for a murder he didn’t commit.  Anderson was the prosecutor who put him there by concealing exculpatory evidence, and it wasn’t until DNA evidence exonerated Morton that Anderson’s fabulous life came crashing down.

Way down in the findings of fact, you come across this:


42. Additionally, as Mr. Anderson explained during the Court of Inquiry, although Brady requires prosecutors to release exculpatory evidence to the defense, as an attorney and former prosecutor, he does not believe in the release of such evidence if it may result in freeing an individual that he believes is guilty. (RR 6:116:18-6:117:4 and RR 6:94:4-24).


43. Mr. Anderson consciously chose to impair the availability of the exculpatory evidence so that he could obtain the conviction of Mr. Morton for murder.


44. Thus, Mr. Anderson intended to prevent defense counsel from relying upon the Green Van Report and Kirkpatrick Transcript and his concealment of such evidence during the prosecution of Mr. Morton constitutes a violation of section 37.09 of the Texas Penal Code.

Read paragraph 42 again.  Anderson does not believe, “as an attorney and former prosecutor,” in the release of Brady “if it may result in freeing an individual that he believes is guilty.”  And the people of the Republic of Texas made this ignoramus a judge.

If this assertion was made by some layman wearing a tin foil hat, he would be ripped to shreds with the outrage and righteous indignity that his personal belief, no matter how psychotic or wrong, doesn’t control the law or the rights of another human being to due process, to fundamental fairness.

But this is a guy who wears a robe and gets to pretend he’s honorable.  This is a guy they let sit on a bench in Texas and decide things that affect other people’s lives. And he has decided that Brady need only be honored when he wants to.  When he wants to.

Anderson surrendered himself on this order and was swiftly released on $2,500 bail. Michael Morton spent nearly 25 years in prison.  I will not put the word Honorable before Anderson’s name. There is nothing, absolutely nothing, honorable here.

H/T  Grits for Breakfast and Spencer Neal





Boldfacing Around Tsarnaev (Update)

My pal, Tamar Birckhead, successfully defended shoe bomber Richard Reid.  By successfully, I mean that she kept him alive. When it comes to defending accused terrorists, even ones as ridiculously incompetent at their mission as Reid, success is defined differently.

When the media needed meat to grind out its media sausage, Tamar was an obvious choice.  She knew what she went through, what the experience of defending someone under the microscope of terrorism was like.  And having gone from federal defender to UNC clinical lawprof, she had the opportunity and curriculum vitae to do the job.

In the  Boston Herald’s initial salvo of handicapping the defense, Tamar led the quote parade with some thoughtful words:


“We know he’s 19 years old, we don’t think he has a criminal record or been in trouble before. There are a lot of people out there that seem to have warm, positive things about him,” said Tamar Birckhead, whose client, Richard Reed, tried to blow an airliner out of the sky but got life by copping a plea. “To predict he’ll get a life sentence is not unreasonable.”
Bereft of hyperbole, the worst that will come of it is the blind hatred of those who can’t bear any word, any thought, about Tsarnaev that isn’t a cry for blood. Ironically, that’s largely the message, that the defense of the most hated man in America, at least this week, will spend an awful lot of time fending off the rage that comes with the job.

Following Tamar is Stephen Jones, who defended Timothy McVeigh.  His defense was less successful, as reflected in McVeigh’s execution. Still, he offered a realistic assessment.


… the baby-faced Tsarnaev can pin the Boston Marathon and last week’s deadly final rampage on his slain big brother and seek mercy as a kid who was easily swayed.

“If the younger brother can shed any light on the circumstances of the older brother’s alleged involvement,” said Jones, “that’s valuable information that the government would want.”
While the public will read these words as manipulative, lawyers will read them as pragmatic. This is the job we do, the life we’ve chosen.  We make the best of the worst situation, and as McVeigh’s execution shows, it doesn’t always work, so don’t get too worked up about it.

But the Boston Herald piece then devolves to where the angry and cynical expect it to go, and where the media is at its worst.  The next two bold face names used to flesh out the piece come from the handful of lawyers always available for comment, no matter what the subject, no matter what they have to offer.  And it shows.

First comes Geoffrey Fieger, who can never be sure which chair to sit in when he enters the well, and whose justification for offering his half cent is that his “clients have included assisted-suicide advocate Dr. Jack Kevorkian.”  And Kevorkian has what to do with terrorism or this case?

“Nothing about the outcome is assured.”
Cool story, bro.


“This case is ripe for somebody who’s got the courage to stand up and talk about the system and the railroading of criminal defendants,” Fieger said. “He’s been denied the right to a fair trial. And America’s …cheering like it was some kind of sporting event. That wasn’t a very flattering image to the rest of the world. Cheering like they won the World Series.”
Huh? What the heck is he talking about. Did anybody tell him the interview was about Tsarnaev? Does he know who this kid is, what this case is about?  The railroading of criminal defendants? Lest we get too down on Feiger, then comes the Big Kahuna of perpetual availability when it comes to a quick and easy quote. none other than the Harvard Lawprof with a home on Sutton Place and a finger in the latest misbegotten lawyer start-up vulture biz, Viewabill:


Harvard Law professor Alan Dershowitz, a member of OJ Simpson’s “dream team,” said, “The case will go down one of two ways. Either plea bargain … or he’ll want to become a martyr and he’ll admit everything, boast about the crime, seek to justify it and demand the death penalty.”
Two ways, Dersh? Really? Not three or seven? So it’s impossible that he will follow the sound advice of his counsel and assist in his vigorous defense? It’s impossible that the government will not offer a plea to life imprisonment and he will be forced to trial? It’s impossible that he won’t want to become a martyr?”  Because you know stuff from being the weak link on the OJ team?

Whenever there is a big criminal case that captures the public’s imagination, there is a chance to be in the limelight.  There will be some lawyers, like Tamar and Stephen, who are knowledgeable about what the defense is about to go through, and can help enlighten the public.

And then there are those who desperately want to see their names in print despite the utter lack of anything to contribute. They say outrageous things. They say stupid things. They only care if their name is spelled correctly, and don’t give a hoot about the silliness they contribute to the story.

At this point, there may very well be a worthwhile trial ahead, where this kid’s defense will be that he was a vulnerable youth, manipulated into serving as an acolyte to his adored older, but hateful brother.  It may be the truth, despite the havoc he caused.  I don’t know what drove him to do this. You don’t know. Clearly, neither does Feiger or Dershowitz, but that won’t stop them from spewing nonsense.  And if a reporter calls them for comment, they will answer.

And they won’t be the only lawyers or lawprof with nothing to offer who will be readily available for a quote or TV appearance. Not by a long shot.

Update: While there’s little doubt that other newspapers, other new reports, will bring out a wealth of media sluts to promote their brand, the damage being done by a couple of scholars by reducing anything remotely resembling thought to its most base instinct may be the nadir.

Via Gideon at A Public Defender, this post has to be read to be believed. 



Strength in Numbers

Yet another attempt to harness the magnificent power of the interwebz demonstrated conclusively that 1000 people can be just as wrong as one.  According to the Atlantic Wire, the reason the FBI release photos of the Tsarnaev brothers was to “fend off Reddit and the  New York Post.”


The social media site and notorious tabloid emerged as front runners in the race to distribute potentially useful but ultimately useless information in the early days of the investigation. The Post identified a Saudi suspect and reported 12 people were killed in the initial blasts. Both were not true. They then identified two people on their Thursday BAG MEN cover as F.B.I. suspects. That was also not true. Meanwhile, Reddit was on the case early looking at every picture possible trying to identify potential suspects. “I’d take thousands of people over a select few very smart investigators any day,” one moderator said of the Boston suspect hunting sub-Reddit. Except, they didn’t find a thing, and only helped add to the confusion surrounding the case. 

Reflecting the two greatest virtues of the digital age, speed and the power of crowds, both the sub-Redditors and the Post managed to screw up royally. Way to go.

As many of us watched the unfolding news reports following the Boston Marathon bombing, it was impossible not to recognize that reports contradicted each other from channel to channel, with breathless anchors trying desperately to fill air time when they had nothing to say. It wasn’t long before the Al Qaeda pundits were out in force, screen shots of Al Jazeera graced the tube and chicken little was screaming about the apocalypse.  A disgraceful display of irrelevance in the rush to pretend otherwise.

But the internet is better than that.  Where the mainstream media is impotent, the virtual citizenry was on the case. 


The F.B.I. wanted to limit the damage being done” to people being wrongly identified by Reddit or the Post or any other amateur sleuthing being done. Once they were able to identify which faces in the crowd were the suspects late on Wednesday afternoon, they had a decision to make. The fear was that if they didn’t head off the Internet’s Sherlock Holmes approach early, then all-out chaos would ensue during the investigation.

People who had nothing whatsoever to do with the bombings were outed and accused. Their names, faces, will be forever emblazoned on the internet as bombers who weren’t.  All because of religion that adores the brilliance of the crowd over actual thought.

This leaves us with two problems, the first being the harm done to those individuals who were accused of being the bombers but weren’t. It’s no small thing for someone to have half the internet accusing them of a horrific crime in perpetuity when there was nothing, absolutely nothing, to support such an accusation.  But hey, it’s the internet. It’s not like anyone believes anything you see there right? Not a future employer. Not an educational institution. Not a potential spouse. Nobody.

The other aspect is that no one is responsible.  When one person points a finger, at least you know who it is. When it’s the accumulated wisdom of thousands, who’s to blame?  The hive mentality of the crowd allows each participant to point to the guy next to him and say, “well, he said so, and I just went along with the crowd.”  There was once a time when the fact that a lot of people said something, thought something, was a less than adequate substitute for being right. Remember that whole earth is flat thing?

There is strength in numbers.  If a lot of people say so, then it must be, no matter how utterly wrong and baseless it is.  And the internet is nothing if not numbers.  You don’t know who these people are, what they know, how smart or stupid they are, how credible they are. You know nothing about them. You have no clue whether they have something worthwhile to offer or are blowing smoke. You don’t know.

And yet, thousands are thrilled to embrace any bit of stupid on the internet at the speed of, well, the internet.

Was it fun playing junior detective?  Was it cool to try to beat out the mainstream media?  You certainly got the Post to bite, even though that’s a bit like waging war against the French. 

But you hurt people who didn’t deserve to be hurt.  Is that what the crowd had in mind?  Are you proud of yourselves for that?

Like any tool, the internet offers vast opportunity to disseminate information in a flash and help to illuminate and inform, particularly where other media sources are invariably behind the time curve or bound up in whatever tangent some assistant producer thought visually appealing hours ago.

But like any tool, it can be used poorly, or be the wrong tool for the job.  In this instance, it was a bludgeon used to pound innocent people.  It was the wrong tool in the wrong hands, and harm ensued.  This is a warning for Redditors, or any other collective group of self-empowered digital detectives with more time than grasp. Crowds are not magic. Crowds don’t inherently know things. People who know things know things, and you aren’t one of them. 

The strength in numbers that comes from crowdsourcing not only magnifies the harm you can do, but covers the responsibility for doing such harm.  Yet everyone who hid behind the numbers is individually responsible for their contribution to digital stupidity and the ruin of an innocent person’s life.  For crying out loud, get a grip and remember that this isn’t a game for your amusement. 

You have no greater right to harm people than anyone else, so if you don’t have a clue what you’re talking about, shut up. Just because you’re part of the crowd doesn’t mean you have anything worthwhile to offer or that you bear no responsibility for doing harm.









Screw The Jury (and pass the Taser)

Richard Pacheco was having a bad day.  First, he suffered a couple of seizures in his Bronx apartment. That was no fun. Then his girlfriend tried to help by calling 911 for an ambulance to get him to the hospital for medical treatment. That’s where Pacheco’s day got really bad. 

From the Appellate Division, First Department decision :


The evidence adduced at trial disclosed that, in response to an emergency 911 call from plaintiff’s girlfriend that he had suffered one or more seizures, two police officers, two emergency medical technicians, two paramedics, and several fire fighters arrived at plaintiff’s apartment to aid him. After the EMTs examined plaintiff and informed him that he needed to be hospitalized, he became uncooperative. His girlfriend testified that this was the result of another seizure. The police officers testified and other evidence indicates that plaintiff refused to go to the hospital, became extremely violent and agitated, and attacked the personnel trying to help him. The officers further testified that, while kicking out at them, plaintiff broke a dresser in the room.
Whether Pacheco’s reaction was due to his medical condition or that he didn’t want to go to the hospital isn’t clear.  But there were more than six (since it can’t be determined how many “several” fire fighters were present) for a guy who was in need of medical care in the apartment, which is a testament to how little crime there is in the Bronx these days.  What the broken dresser has to do with this is anyone’s guess.


Thereafter, six or seven responders were needed to restrain plaintiff, handcuff him behind his back, and strap him across his lap and chest into an EMT transport chair. The officers testified that while strapped in the chair, plaintiff still kicked out at them, tried to stand, and bit one officer’s arm and broke his skin. After the officers called for additional assistance, a police sergeant arrived who, after unsuccessfully trying to calm plaintiff down with words, subdued him with a Taser. Thereafter, EMTs were able to transport plaintiff from his upstairs apartment into an ambulance on the street.
Bearing in mind that this was a call for medical aid, one has to wonder why the cops didn’t just leave if Pacheco refused care. He’s allowed. One also has to wonder whether the sergeant tried to “calm” him down by ordering him to stop or be tased, the usual method.

But regardless, Pacheco was tased into compliance, despite the fact that he had committed no crime, suffered an unknown medical condition making him an extremely  poor candidate for tasing in any event, and the police were there only because of a call for medical assistance.

A Bronx jury awarded Pacheco more than $2 million for the use of excessive force.  The Appellate Division not only reversed the award, but dismissed the action.


“Viewing the evidence in the light most favorable to plaintiff and according [him] the benefit of every reasonable inference . . . we find that it was insufficient as a matter of law to permit the jury to find that the officers used excessive force” (Koeiman, 36 AD3d at 453). Here, given plaintiff’s repeated outbursts and the police officers’ testimony that he was emotionally disturbed, it was reasonable to taser him so that he could be hospitalized. Since the Patrol Guide of the New York City Police Department permits an officer to use a Taser to restrain an emotionally disturbed person who threatens injury to himself or others (Procedure No. 216-05 at 5), the officer’s action comported with acceptable police practice.
Not only is it remarkable that the panel of judges thought so little of the determination of the trial judge to submit the case to the jury, but of the jury itself who found in favor of the plaintiff and gave him such a substantial award, but that they did so on the strength of the Patrol Guide.

Jury? Feh. Just something cases have to pass through on the way to the important decision-makers on the appellate bench, whose assessment of what constitutes excessive force is not only guided by the law, but the Patrol Guide.  After all, if the cop book says it’s cool, then it’s cool. What would a jury have to do with it.

But even reliance on the Patrol Guide is misplaced. This was not a case where Pacheco went out on the street of his own volition to harm anyone. He was in his own apartment, where no one was threatened with harm if they had just left him alone.  To the extent harm was threatened to the cops, it was at the cops’ instigation, not Pacheco’s. If the Patrol Guide said cops could have put a bullet in his head for his own good, would that have been similarly fine with the court?


In determining whether the use of force was reasonable, the trier of fact must allow for police officers’ frequent need to make “split-second” judgments about how much force is necessary “in circumstances that are tense, uncertain, and rapidly evolving” (Graham, 490 US at 396-397). Other important considerations include whether the suspect actively resisted arrest and posed an immediate threat to the officers’ safety (Vizzari v Hernandez, 1 AD3d 431, 432 [2d Dept 2003], citing Graham, 490 US at 396).
The emptiness of the decision is best reflected here, where there was no “split-second” judgment to be made, one of the regular fall-back excuses for cops to escape responsibility for their monumentally poor judgment. They had all the time in the world. Indeed, they could have just as well walked away. Better still, why did the police respond when the call was for an ambulance? 

More importantly, Pacheco was not a “suspect” but an ill man. Reference to procedures to subdue a criminal is an outrageous conflation of responsibility when the only justification for the police to be present in Pacheco’s apartment was to aid someone suffering from a medical issue.  He wasn’t “resisting arrest,” but sick. Yes, that makes a difference.

But the cops tased him anyway. And the court disregarded the jury. And the new rule of the Bronx is that cops can tase a person who has committed no crime and poses no threat of harm to anyone except the cop who is there supposedly to help him.  Ultimately, it appears that the police can employ force at will as long as there is a section in the Patrol Guide to approve it, and the Appellate Division has elevated it to the status of law.

And the next time you get a jury summons in the Bronx, don’t bother showing. It’s not like the judges think enough of your time and effort to make it worth your while anyway.

H/T  Appellate Squawk and Andrew Stoll


Bad News for IANAL

Over at Popehat, Ken White provides a “Miranda round-up” following the Dzhokhar Tsarnaev deluge of all the posts and reports he found worthwhile.  It barely scratches the surface, which comes as no surprise given the vast interest that inevitably follows a news event of such epic proportions, but it’s necessary to exercise discretion under these circumstances lest one’s point be diluted and unworthy efforts find their way into the mix. My  own contribution didn’t make the cut, which is the price one pays for trying.

A comment to Ken’s post by Orvis Barfley (which I believe to be his real name)   caught my eye.


man, this is good stuff.  orin kerr and lawscribe knock it out of the park.  i wonder how long one should expect to need to read this blog before one can reasonably expect to pass the bar.  assuming one should want to, of course.
Much as I realize he’s funnin’, there is an element of truth in there. No, not about Orin Kerr or Lawscribe knocking it out of the park, despite whatever quibbles I might have with their posts, but about non-lawyers thinking that by reading blog posts they are half-way to acing the bar exam.

It’s the bit of truth behind a comment like this that makes me want to throw my keyboard against the wall so that it shatters into a million pieces. Do blawgers do more harm than good?

I profess to try to illuminate rather than make people stupider for having read something at SJ. But at best, you get a tiny, minuscule piece of the puzzle.  My posts tend to focus on a minute slice of law, a discrete issue under highly specific circumstances. Yet non-lawyer readers invariably try to extrapolate them into concepts of such great breadth as to make them bizarrely wrong and inapplicable.  As much as I may try to rein in their enthusiasm, usually to their anger and resentment since we’re supposed to be on the same team, they rarely understand why.

This isn’t a class in law school.  This isn’t “truth,” whatever that means. You do not know the law from reading blawgs, and you are not prepared to take the bar exam, no less inform others of how they should conduct themselves. 

Lawyers argue over nuances that make all the difference in lawful and unlawful all the time.  Good lawyers. Smart lawyers. And still, we have constant disagreements.  Courts rule one way, and then a court rules another way. and then the Supreme Court splits 5-4 on almost everything. If the law was sufficiently clear that lawyers ought to know it, how then can we explain why four Supreme Court justices get it wrong so often?

The law isn’t easy. Lawyers may try their best to make it comprehensible, but the most we can do is offer our analysis, our understanding.  It means nothing.  It’s not that we’re necessarily wrong, but we’re also not necessarily right.  Given the frailty of any lawyer’s opinion, the only safe thing to say is that our opinion means nothing.

And yet, non-lawyers read it and think they now know the law. Oh my God, what have we done?

There is something lawyers call “black letter law,” which means legal concepts that are so well-established that no one disputes them. They are usually unhelpful, as the rest of the law is about the million exceptions to black letter law.  We call this the “tail wagging the dog,” and the dog gets the crap wagged out of him all the time. 

But the next question is which exception applies, which exception wins or doesn’t win under any given set of circumstances. Lawyers fight over such things constantly, in court and on blogs. Read one view and you think you know the answer. Read another and you are confused. Read the very serious, sober and thorough analysis of a law professor and it’s like going to law school. Except they are just as likely to be wrong as anyone else. It’s more than citing case names or statutes, though these seem monumentally convincing to the non-lawyer.  After all, if a case in 1912 said so, it must be, right?

There was a question that made its way around the internet years ago, whether the web made people smarter or stupider.  There is no doubt that the web provides access to vast amounts of information.  The “open source” law advocates labor under the  misguided belief that if you put all the information online, people will somehow have the ability to assimilate and understand it. What they have done is put a loaded gun into the hands of children, though they have yet to realize it.

Am I handing you a loaded gun too? It pains me to think that’s the case, but it may well be.  On the sidebar, I write “This is not legal advice.”  I’m not kidding. Reading SJ, or even Popehat, does not make you a lawyer.  Reading Orin Kerr or Lawscribe does not make you a lawyer. In fact, you could be stupider for having done so, despite our respective efforts to try to illuminate.

If so, I am sorry.  I never meant to make anyone stupider for having read my blawg.  But the fact is, reading SJ does not make you a lawyer. Not even close.