Beware The Stare (Update)

Remember the Halcyon days when a cop had to claim a young black man made a furtive movement before he could justify the use of force?  Good times, but they’re in the past. We now have a new, even more nuanced excuse for a takedown, the “dehumanizing stare.”



And the puppy too?  It’s not entirely clear how 14-year-old Tremaine McMillian could simultaneously be holding his puppy and clenching his fists, but if the police say so, who are we to question? 


Tremaine McMillian learned a hard lesson about what it means to be young, black and armed with an intimidating stare. Turns out that you don’t even have to commit a crime to get choked out. All he did was shoot a few “dehumanizing stares” at officers who slammed him to the ground and put him in a choke hold. Police claim he was clenching his fists and looking menacing but the teenager claims that he was busy bottle feeding a puppy at the time.
It’s not easy being a Miami-Dade police officer, with so many threats to one’s safety and never knowing whether the next dehumanizing stare will be your last.  From Huff Post :

“All of that body language alone is already letting the officers know that this is a person that now is obviously getting agitated and can become violent,” said Miami-Dade Police Detective Alvaro Zabaleta.


Zabaleta told CBS that the police report from the incident doesn’t mention a puppy.

“Of course we have to neutralize the threat in front of us,” he said. “And when you have somebody that is being resistant…that’s the immediate threat. At this point we’re not dealing or concerned with the puppy.”


Does Zabaleta watch himself, read his words, afterward and cringe, think aloud: “could I have sounded like I was more full of shit?”

Mothers, tell your children that they are not only to be kind and gentle with their new puppies, and not to raise a clenched fist when a police officer is anywhere in view, but also to avert their eyes, lest the police feel dehumanized, perhaps even bullied, and then do what they have to do to “neutralize the threat.”

And keep your cameras at the ready, because nobody would believe this utter load of crap being offered by Det. Alvaro Zabeleta and the Miami-Dade police. That they would be so ridiculously shameless isn’t so much a reflection on the police, as it is a reflection on how passive, how willing to bite on any nonsense they feed us, they view the public. 

Can’t you hear them back at the station, saying “tell them the kid gave us a ‘dehumanizing stare’ and we had to take a 14-year-old kid holding a puppy down.” 



 


“Come on, who would be stupid enough to believe that?”

Hey, you bought the “furtive movement.” Why not?

Update: And if you think Miami-Dade cops are twinkies for trying to justify their misconduct on Tremaine McMillian puppy-handed dehumanizing stare, how would they react to this:
 


Is Begging For Mercy The Only Way?

Whenever I write about the corporate crime issues, many of those whose interest is flamed by the David versus Goliath fight of constitutional rights and the weak talking truth to power hit the back button on their browser as quickly as possible. They’re conflicted by whether their hate of the government is stronger than their hate of corporations. If there was a button for “a pox on both your houses,” they would be pounding it hard.

Just chill out, as there are significant parallels and lessons to be learned from how the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA) has compelled multinational corporations to behave like sniveling sycophants at the beck and call of the government, and how this has empowered the Department of Justice to dictate its will to everyone.  I know, stories about the FCPA never involve a CEO’s face assaulting the boot of a federal agent, and there is rarely anyone to cheer for, but what happens to the most powerful tells much about what happens to the least.

From Joe Palazzolo at the Wall Street Journal Law Blog, an interview with “Nathaniel Edmonds, who recently left the Justice Department’s FCPA unit for Paul Hastings LLP.”


Though we don’t know how often it happens, the Justice Department sometimes  drops Foreign Corrupt Practices Act cases without bringing charges, even when prosecutors find potential violations of the law. Such an occasion is known within the agency as a “declination.”

See what they did there? This is the carrot, the velvet glove, the gold ring. Sometimes, somebody gets a declination. What a declination means is they dodged an “oh crap” bullet, saved an additional $57 million over the $12.5 million they paid so the government wouldn’t have to. Nobody knows whether they will get the gold ring, as  Ralph Lauren found out when it did everything on the check list given them by their Biglaw advisors, but as long as it’s there even if just out of reach.

And what’s Edmonds’ advice?
Mr. Edmonds, who was a supervisor in the FCPA unit, told Law Blog in an interview that there has never been a public instance of a company receiving a declination when the conduct in question was found independently by the Justice Department. In other words, a  company increases its chances of a declination geometrically by telling on itself.


For starters, Mr. Edmonds says in a new client alert , a company has to have a strong and nimble compliance program in place — one that evolves with best practices. It’s the best proof of a company’s commitment to the law, which bars bribery overseas.


With that foundation, what happens when a company finds a potential problem on its own?


Mr. Edmonds’s client alert is instructive here: stop the bribes, preserve the evidence and make sure the internal investigation is properly “scoped” — meaning that a company must rummage through the appropriate  business lines and subsidiaries, without straying too far or stopping short.

The TL;dr version, do the government’s investigation for it, confess but don’t overdo it, and pray the government loves you enough. After all, as Edmonds makes clear, the government never gives a pass to a corporation that didn’t confess.

Notice one notion wholly missing from this advice? It’s a notion that seems intuitive to individuals, but utterly foreign (get it?) to corporations, and certainly to the Department of Justice. It’s the notion that no crime was committed. It’s the notion that a multinational corporation would have the cajones to tell the baby prosecutors across the DoJ table that they don’t know squat and they have a fight on their hands.

The fist within the velvet glove, of course, can hit hard.


Given the pace of FCPA prosecutions in recent years, and the billions with a B in penalties assessed by the Justice Department and the Securities and Exchange Commission, [how to get a declination] is a question worth asking.
But then, getting a declination is akin to getting the cop who stomped your head to apologize and offer to pay for your date with his daughter. The real win is getting those billions with a B reduced to mere millions with an M. And that comes after the millions with an M have already been blown on the investigation by former DoJ lawyers now working at Biglaw as FCPA experts. Even then, nobody talks about the shock on the CEO’s, the COOs, the CFO’s or the 27 top EVP’s faces when they find themselves staring at the bottom of the bus.


But how could they? I gave this company my life and made them a fortune, and they sacrifice me at the first chance they get?  I thought they loved me?
It’s just business, baby. The government needs a sacrifice, and you’re the one. Take this one last bullet for the good of the company, and see you in 60 months.

But contrast the advice of Nathaniel Edmonds on how to increase your chances of getting a declination from 0.0% to 1.2% with the advice of “Tim Peterson (a former SEC enforcement attorney) and Robertson Park (a former DOJ enforcement attorney) in this article in Inside Counsel regarding voluntary disclosures” which appears in Mike Koehler’s great FCPA Professor blog :


Not all potential [FCPA] problems, however, are appropriate for disclosure. After investigation, allegations of misconduct may not result in a determination that illicit activity has occurred. Problematic payments may not be sufficiently material to amount to an FCPA violation…

Prematurely attracting the government’s attention may, as a practical matter, shift the burden to the company to prove the absence of a corruption problem. Enforcement officials may feel the need as a matter of basic human nature to seek some type of resolution to a case where they have invested significant time and effort. Companies need to weigh the potential benefits of cooperation against the significant costs of initiating a potentially unwarranted government investigation.
Could it be?  Is there room for actual thought, maybe even a bit of defiance, rather than baring your neck and handing the government the sharp teeth with which to rip it to shreds? 

Just so you don’t happen to miss it, there is one thread that follows through each of the voices opining on how to deal with the government, and it has something to do with where they spent their summers before joining Biglaw.  And if you wonder why no government prosecutor is impressed by an individual defendant’s challenge to “prove it,” consider that when it comes to the wealthiest, most powerful multinational corporations in the world, baby lawyers dictate to titans of industry how much of our money (because it ultimately comes from the pockets of consumers, you realize) they must happily shell out.

As for the individual executives of these huge and wealthy corporations, who would never commit a crime, are dedicated family folk and contribute regularly to charity, the Republican Party and the NRA, they make great cellmates at Club Fed.  Sure, they complain a bit and  sometimes write insightful letters (this link is definitely worth a read) about experiences they never expected to have, but they were always good company men, even on the sacrificial alter.






“N” Innocent Men, College Edition

At Volokh Conspiracy, Eugene offers an unusual paradigm to explain why the  new rules of engagement for university discipline being forced down the throats of higher education by the DoJ and DoE aren’t, as has been argued here, totally insane.  Among other things, it requires colleges and universities receiving federal funds to employ a “preponderance of the evidence” standard in determining guilt in their disciplinary proceedings.


First, let’s think of preponderance of the evidence, clear and convincing evidence, and proof beyond a reasonable doubt as probability thresholds. Preponderance of the evidence means that the university should expel or discipline the accused student if there’s just a bit more than a 50% chance that the student is guilty. Clear and convincing evidence might be seen as requiring a 75% or 80% probability, or thereabouts. Proof beyond a reasonable doubt might be seen as requiring a 95% probability. These are oversimplifications, to be sure, but they are probably the most helpful way of looking at these standards.
The percentage for preponderance is well established as being more than 50%, so whether one takes issue with Eugene’s numbers for the other standards isn’t critical. They’re higher, which is all that matters for the purposes of his analysis.


And each of these probabilities might correspond to a number n in the statement that “better that n students guilty of sexual assault remain at the university, with no discipline imposed, than one innocent student be expelled or otherwise disciplined.” Proof beyond a reasonable doubt would be something like “better that ten students who have committed sexual assault remain at the university unpunished than one innocent student be expelled.” Proof by clear and convincing evidence would be something like “better that three guilty students (but no more) remain at the university than one innocent student be expelled.” Proof by a preponderance of the evidence would be something like “better that one guilty student (but no more) remain at the university than one innocent student be expelled.”
Interesting, right? A very different view of the question from the perspective of how much risk should the university, and the students under its care, should endure for the benefit of the accused.  As an aside, the link in Eugene’s quote goes to a law review article by his brother, Sasha, which is, in my humble opinion, the best ever written, and definitely worth your time to read.

But this isn’t sufficient to support his point, as the general notion of “n” guilty men has already been decided for society at large in the setting of criminal law, which is why no one can be convicted of a crime except upon proof beyond a reasonable doubt. To get over this hurdle, Eugene argues:

Of course, in criminal cases the standard is proof beyond a reasonable doubt. In criminal cases, a person’s liberty or life is usually at stake, so the legal system does say, “better than ten guilty people go free than one innocent person go to prison (or be executed).” But that this is true in criminal cases doesn’t tell us whether the same should be true when something less serious — both in terms of tangible loss and in terms of public condemnation — is at stake.


That’s why in civil cases, the more likely than not standard is routine. If you sue me, alleging I breached a contract or injured you in some way, you can prevail under this standard, even if the result is that I am financially ruined.

Thus, the crux of Eugene’s argument is that the “conviction” of a serious allegation, say rape, by a college disciplinary board is more akin to a civil verdict than a criminal verdict. No one goes to prison. No one is executed. Rather, being tossed out of the university is a lesser sanction than financial ruin, or comparable to the loss of a job, and if preponderance of the evidence is sufficient for those, then it is good enough for college.


Should we say “better that 10 rapists be allowed to stay at the university than one innocent student be expelled”? I don’t think so. “Better that 4 rapists be allowed to stay at the university than one innocent student be expelled” (the clear and convincing evidence standard)? I doubt it, partly because we don’t say this even when a lawsuit risking a defendant’s entire life savings is involved, or when the loss of a job and perhaps a career is involved.
Whether you agree with Eugene’s relative assessment of worth is likely based on which side of the equation strikes closer to home, but it strikes me that he has omitted two major components from his analysis that can’t reasonably be ignored. 

First, Eugene recognizes that the DoJ and DoE have simultaneously watered down (as in, eliminated for all practical purposes) due process, but takes that out of the equation. It can’t be removed under ceteris parabus, as it is a critical, and perhaps more critical than the standard of proof, component of the process. Without a substantively and procedurally fair process, it really doesn’t matter much what standard is used. The accused loses because the accused isn’t given the ability to defend himself. The standard of proof only matters if due process is honored.

The second missing piece is that imprisonment, or execution as the case may be, is only part of the sanction imposed for the “conviction” of a crime. A student found to be a rapist and expelled from a university will be saddled with the “conviction” forever in all aspects of his life, with the moral condemnation that goes with it. He will be uneducable and unemployable. He may never be able to marry, as what woman will marry a convicted rapist, and likely never have a family. He may never be able to find a place to live, as no one will rent to a convicted rapist. The list of punishments that society will impose is endless, and there is nothing the “convicted” student can do about it.

While the comparison to civil adjudication raises questions, perhaps the better answer isn’t that the standard of proof for universities be reduced, but that the standard for anyone accused of conduct that would otherwise be criminal, and carry with it the moral condemnation that society imposes for people convicted of wrongdoing, be raised to that required for a criminal conviction. 

While no one wants to put any college student (or anyone else, for that matter) at needless risk of being the victim of a crime, the idea that we can sufficiently reduce that risk by lowering jurisprudential determination of “n” guilty men is worth the conviction of an innocent doesn’t bear out. Instead, the relative risk remains, and the harm done to the wrongfully accused is devastating. 



A Shiny New Exception: Innocence

Why is Scalia so enraged? Three reasons. First, that’s just his way. Second, he’s offended as a textualist—a judge who believes first and foremost in sticking closely to the wording of a statute. And third, like I said, this is the latest battle in a long-standing war.

–Emily Bazelon, Slate, 2013

Nino was not nice to Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.  Writing for the Supreme Court in McQuiggin v. Perkins, holding that the draconian one year time limit on habeas review under the Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA), which bears President Bill Clinton’s signature, does not preclude untimely claims of actual innocence.


On Tuesday, the Supreme Court widened what it called the “gateway” to reviewing claims of actual innocence that are made long after the one-year deadline expires. It’s a 5-4 decision, split between liberals-plus-Kennedy and conservatives. The opinions, by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Justice Antonin Scalia, read like a pitched battle in a long-simmering war. At the end, Ginsburg succeeds in opening what she calls a “gateway” to court for innocence claims that blow by the one-year deadline.
The trick, apparently, is that the habeas court is persuaded that there is merit to the late claim of innocence and is permitted to hold a hearing to determine whether there is a basis to excuse the late filing before reaching the question of innocence.


In theory, a majority of the Supreme Court has now agreed to such an exception. “Actual innocence, if proved, serves as a gateway through which a petitioner may pass,” Ginsburg wrote. But she also warned that “the exception applies to a severely confined category.” It is not enough for Perkins to assert that he has evidence of his innocence. He also has to show that “it is more likely than not that no reasonable juror would have convicted him in the light of the new evidence.”
Not only is this an extremely high bar, but it requires the habe court to determine the strength of the actual innocence claim in order to determine the strength of the actual innocence claim. So nice, they have to do it twice? Well, apparently so, since the test for the threshold question, relief from the untimely filing, is the same as the test for the ultimate question, grant of habeas corpus based upon innocence.

If this makes your head hurt, you’re not alone.


In dissent, however, Justice Scalia says Congress should be furious. The court is not interpreting AEDPA, Scalia says, but rather rewriting it. SOS to Congress: “Judicially amending a validly enacted statute in this way is a flagrant breach of the separation of powers.” Attacking Ginsburg’s point that allowing for an exception to AEDPA’s one-year deadline merely brings federal law into line with the states, Scalia rockets into the derision stratosphere: “With its eye firmly fixed on something it likes—a shiny new exception to a statute unloved in the best circles—the court overlooks this basic distinction, which would not trouble a second-year law student armed with a copy of Hart & Wechsler.”
Ouch. But if that wasn’t mean enough, Scalia refuses to open the car door for Ginsburg.


Oh, wait, one more insult: He also calls Ginsburg’s interpretation a “blooper reel.” (Ginsburg called all of this “bluster.”)
As Bazelon notes, it’s not like this is a new issue for the Supremes, as Nino has taken the position for years that the Constitution does not prohibit the execution of innocent people.


For Scalia, the moral of the story is clear: Innocence doesn’t—and shouldn’t—always win. “This court has never held that the Constitution forbids the execution of a convicted defendant who has had a full and fair trial but is later able to convince a habeas court that he is ‘actually’ innocent,” he wrote in 2009. Scalia lost that time, too. But in the end, the man he was writing about—Troy Davis—was executed for the murder of a Georgia police officer even though seven of the nine witnesses who testified against him at trial had recanted.

If the arguments could be wholly detached from any moral imperative, Scalia likely has the better side of the argument. From a purely rational view, the Constitution defines process, not outcome. Nowhere does it provide a bottom line, that no innocent person be convicted, that no innocent person be executed.  The horror of the AEDPA’s absurd time restraints is a blight on Congress and the President, but is it the court’s place to change its express terms because, well, it’s an absurd, awful law that prevents an innocent person from obtaining habeas relief?

But then, there are moral imperatives that belie our nation, and Nino’s refusal to admit to a wrong so contrary to our most fundamental principles (remember that life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness thingy, Nino?) undermines his uber-detached line of reasoning. In other words, there is a bottom line that overcomes an otherwise clear application of logic and rules, and that bottom line includes that no innocent person in the United States of America should be put to death.

Remarkably, the rationale for the hideous AEDPA time limitations, that too many prisoners were filing too many habeas corpus petitions and taking up too much judge time, really has nothing to do with the issues confronting the death row inmate who asserts his actual innocence. There just aren’t enough of them to make judges sweat due to their very hard job of reviewing the papers.

But even if they did, so what?  Does anybody want to be from the country that puts innocent people to death because it’s too much work not to?  Anybody but Nino, I mean.

License Plate Politics

At the top of New Hampshire license plate, it boldly reads, “Live Free or Die.” This is an important lesson. Never believe license plates, as a Dover man learned when he applied for the “vanity” plate, COPSLIE.  From WMUR9 :


The Department of Motor Vehicles refused to issue a plate to a Dover man in 2010 that read “COPSLIE,” calling the text “insulting.” The DMV cited a state statute that says a vanity plate can’t be “ethnically, racially (insulting) or which a reasonable person would find offensive to good taste.”
While I personally can’t imagine spending hard earned money on a vanity plate in the first place, that’s just my parochial sensibility.  Apparently, others are happy to do so. But would a reasonable person find “COPSLIE” to be “offensive to good taste?”  The problem was exacerbated by what happened next:


Months later, the man was again denied “COPSLIE,” but the DMV approved his second choice, which can be read to say, “Great government.”

“If you praise the government, that’s OK. You can get a plate that does that,” he said. “If you criticize the government or agents of the government, that’s not OK. That’s how the petitioner is trying to frame his argument here.”
To say this raises huge First Amendment issues is an understatement.  The argument that political speech on a license plate is perfectly acceptable as long as it favors the government, and its armed personnel, but unacceptable otherwise is deeply troubling. 

Then there is the question of “good taste.”  What the heck does that mean? Who decides what tastes good? To the extent the states refusal to allow plates that say COPSLIE must pass constitutional muster under strict scrutiny, can anyone seriously argue that “good taste” is sufficiently narrowly tailored? But then, tailored to do what, not offend? Is the government’s interest in no one being offended on the road sufficiently legitimate a purpose to infringe on speech at all?

Or are license plates different?

Some might argue that a license plate, issued by DMV, reflects some degree of governmental approval of the message, though I doubt anyone would buy the argument that the role of the DMV is anything more than a vendor selling an opportunity for people who want to throw money away by putting dopey crap on tin. Others might contend that people have no right to use license plates to express what a government grocery clerk thinks are unpleasant thoughts, though having required plates on cars, and it being perfectly lawful for a person to own a motor vehicle subject to registration with the state, I fail to see what authority the state has to censor content. Having mandated plates, and the registrant complying with the mandate, the business of what the plate expresses isn’t a privilege.

The saving grace for most states is that the cost/benefit analysis of a person whose content is rejected by the state weighs against taking the matter to court. It’s upsetting, perhaps, but not worth the cost and effort to challenge. In this instance, however, the Dover man has decided to take a stand.  Curiously, the New Hampshire Supreme Court appears to be remarkably open to the idea that the state is doing it all wrong.


In the New Hampshire case, the state Supreme Court is doing something uncommon, soliciting opinions from people not directly connected to the case. The American Civil Liberties Union is planning to present an opinion, saying the state DMV made a mistake.

The ACLU was  similarly involved in a Nevada case where the owner has a license plate that read “HOE” until


2006 when a single DMV employee decided arbitrarily that the word was offensive after consulting only the Urban Dictionary, an online source which defines words through user-generated content. Because someone on the Urban Dictionary defined “hoe” as “whore,” Mr. Junge’s plate was revoked.

Junge, however, selected “HOE” for his plate because he drove a Tahoe, and the word “Tahoe” was already taken.


The Court agreed with the ACLU’s arguments that the DMV cannot make First Amendment decisions arbitrarily. Instead, the DMV must show substantial evidence proving that a requested plate is inappropriate. While the Urban Dictionary may be an entertaining website about the English language, the Court acknowledged that it is not a reliable source for decisions about acceptable speech. In relying solely on the Urban Dictionary to deny Mr. Junge’s license plate, the DMV violated the First Amendment. The ACLU of Nevada applauds the Nevada Supreme Court for its decision to permit the “HOE” plate.
The Urban Dictionary isn’t a reliable source? What? Well, in any event, the ruling still leaves much confusion as to what “inappropriate” means, who decides and why the state has any business in deciding what words in likes and what words it doesn’t. 

When it comes to political expressions like COPSLIE, as opposed to abbreviation of Chevy truck models, however, the infringement of free speech goes to the core of what the government should never be permitted to do. Much as it might offend some (and invite unwanted attention from your local police cruiser), that’s the choice of the individual, not a clerk in the bowels of the motor vehicle department.

And if that’s the way somebody wants to squander their money, what business is it of the state? Live free or die, but have happy license plates?  How about government let people put whatever foolishness they want on their license plates, with only those limitations that can pass strict scrutiny. If people want to spend their money engaged in foolish expressive pursuits, then who is government to stop them?




A Woman’s Touch

Women often argue that we would live in a kinder world if only they held the weapons. Not so in Sacramento, given how an unnamed female cop beat an unnamed male, proving that a woman can be every bit as bad a police officer as a man.



The video first appeared on CBS13, and the  Sacramento Bee picked it up from there:


According to a statement from the Sacramento Police Department, the incident began when the suspect entered a nearby store and began speaking unintelligibly. Fearing for her safety, a female employee in the store called 911. When officers responded, the suspect, who had left the store, reentered and attempted to barricade himself inside with the employee.


In the process of extricating him from the store, the suspect became combative and was able to “physically overpower” one of the responding officers, continues the release, thus justifying the need for pepper spray, baton strikes, and additional assistance from other responding officers.


Combative is one of those words that police use that doesn’t mean what you think it does. Shielding one’s face from baton blows? Combative. Using one’s hands to stop a police dog from crushing one’s throat? Combative. Trying to prevent a female officer from beating one to death? Combative. See how that works?

Unfortunately, the unnamed male was combative, by police standards.


Shortly after taking the man into custody, the release states, officers “noticed that he was unresponsive,” at which point he was taken to a hospital and pronounced dead.

Not that they killed him, but that the officers “noticed” that he was dead. They are trained to be observant, you know.  This is the imaginary conversation that ensued.


Hey, Sally, do you notice that this fellow isn’t moving?

Why no, Chet, I hadn’t noticed. But now that you mention it, you’re right.

I wonder why, Sally? He was moving before, when I was holding him on the ground so you could beat him repeatedly with your baton.

Not a clue, Chet. Sometimes, these things happen. He probably had hypertensive heart disease. A lot of men his age die of heart disease, you know.

Yeah, Sally, you’re probably right. He should have paid more attention to his diet.

There is a somewhat natural inclination to draw an analogy between what happened here and what happened to David Sal Silva in Kern County, but to do so would be to ignore two salient details. The first is that the woman who took the video got it into the hands of CBS13 before the police seized it as evidence. The second is that the officer with the baton was a woman, which means the unnamed man died a more gentle death in the hands of the police.




Law Ratchet: New Dogs, Old Tricks (Update x3)

There’s a new scraper in town.  When the word came in, I strolled over to Bob Ambrogi’s  Law Sites to see who it was.  The name is , and no, I won’t make the play on its name because it’s too easy. If this seems like deja vu all over again, it is. Scraper USLaw, run by some kid who goes by the name Gregory Chase while sitting on the couch in his mother’s basement hoping to earn enough off his website to pay for his Cheetos fix, tried to get away with this years ago. It failed.

So naturally, someone new comes along thinking they’ve discovered an untapped resource, someone else’s content, and can parlay that into cash in their pocket. The mechanics are simple: Take a blawg’s RSS (Really Simple Syndication) feed and use it to recreate someone else’s content on your website. Maybe there’s a link back to the original, maybe not. Maybe there’s acknowledgement of the author, maybe not. Regardless, they glom the full content created by someone else, add nothing to enhance its value, and offer it up.

The day after Ambrogi noted its existence, the obvious question was asked.


Afterwards, a reader emailed me asking a key question my post did not address — that of whether Law Ratchet is violating the copyrights of the publishers and bloggers whose stories it is picking up.

For many of the articles Law Ratchet picks up, it is republishing them in full on its own site, complete with images.
The posts included Bob’s. Volokh’s. . Bob, calling it a grey area of law, notes that in 2005,  Eric Goldman wrote that by allowing readers to access a blawg via an RSS feed, it might be acceptable for scrapers to steal it:


In my mind, there’s no question that a blogger grants an implied license to the content in an RSS feed. However, because it’s implied, I’m just not sure of the license terms. So, in theory, it could be an implied license to permit aggregators to do whatever they want.
Just to be sure, I checked with Eric yesterday to see if this was still his view, and it is. He notes an Israeli court reached a similar conclusion, though in Associated Press v. Meltwater, the Southern District of New York held scraping to be copyright infringement.  On the other hand, IP lawyer Marc Randazza says it’s a copyright violation, without any doubt whatsoever.

Ambrogi asked the babies in charge of Law Ratchet, Derek Chau, a 2006 Harvard Law grad, and  Will Mouat, who were Ropes and Gray associates before they weren’t, about their scraping. They responded in marketeer fashion:
On the issue of copyright law, we did invest a fair amount of time researching the matter. I would hazard to guess that you are familiar with the copyright issues given your experience with media law. We carefully analyzed the issues and suffice it to say that we believe that Law Ratchet is well-positioned on the merits of the legal issues.

Suffice? No, “you say so” doesn’t suffice. In fact, what you “believe” is worthless.


Will and I embarked on this venture to create a better experience for lawyers to consume and discover legal news. In doing so, our goal has been to work with content providers and to forge mutually beneficial partnerships with authors and publishers. In fact, we believe that the only way Law Ratchet will succeed in the marketplace is with their cooperation and partnership.
And so the bullshit flows, because if you wrap up scraping in pretty bows, it’s not like it’s really stealing and nobody will call you out. Except I am.

Much as I respect Eric Goldman, he’s completely wrong on his imputation of an implied license as to RSS feeds. RSS is merely the tool by which individual readers view content. There is a facile assumption by some that because it’s easy to grab off an RSS feed, it must be free for the taking. That’s like saying if someone leaves a potted plant outside their front door, it must be okay to walk over and take it. Because, you know, if they didn’t want you to take it, they would have locked it up in the safe. It’s absurd.

It’s true that some blawgers, particularly those with fewer readers or who subscribe to the “all information should be free” philosophy, don’t mind being scraped. Others overlay their personal sense of propriety, that it’s okay with them provided they get attribution, or maybe a link back. That’s fine, if they don’t care whether someone scrapes their stuff. But that’s not the law, and their sensibilities don’t dictate what’s permissible for other people who don’t share their willingness to be scraped.

On twitter,  Mark Lyon asked whether it was okay if it was just someone curating interesting stuff. The question missed the mark. The details of how a scraper uses someone else’s content, or how someone who might want curated content, is irrelevant. The point is that it’s not their content to sell, whether curated, tied in a bow or any other way.

It’s copyright. It’s someone else’s content, and without permission to offer it, they can’t. Even if its easy to scrape or readers might enjoy the ease of someone else curating it for them. It’s just not theirs to offer. And as for readers wanting someone to chew their food for them, USLaw tried it already, and nobody wanted it. The business model is not only wrong, but bad.

As for me, I added a footer (that I got from Mark Bennett) to my RSS feed that makes my position clear.


© 2007-13 Simple Justice NY LLC. This feed is for personal, non-commercial & Newstex use only. The use of this feed on any other website is a copyright violation. If this feed is not via RSS reader or Newstex, it infringes the copyright.
If you want to see it in the wild, it’s right there on the Law Ratchet scraping of my posts. As for Chau and Mouat, can you say “statutory damages”?  I bet you can. As of this moment, there are 134 posts of mine on Law Ratchet. Do you still believe?

Update: I see that our pals at Law Ratchet have excised SJ from their offerings, as if it never happened. Except for the screen shots taken before they did so.  Because some people plan ahead.



Update 2:  I’ve received an email from Derek Chau. I was told to expect an apology from him, and this is what was received:




Scott,

 

The content from Simple Justice has been removed from Law Ratchet.  If you would prefer that the first few lines of your posts appear, with a link to the original article, please let me know.  We will also reach out to other authors who have concerns about if and how their content is presented. 


 

Almost 2 weeks ago, we filed a registration with the U.S. Copyright Office to appoint an agent to receive DMCA notices.  Although we haven’t received confirmation of the registration yet, we will very soon put up a copyright section on our website to allow parties to communicate with us.  As we communicated before, we will respect the wishes of authors or publishers who requests that their content be removed.

 

Law Ratchet does not generate any revenue: we do not charge a subscription fee, we do not deploy ads, and we do not resell content.  We will announce in the near future how we intend to partner with authors, many of whom are excited by the benefits of reaching a larger audience. 


 

Apologies for any misunderstanding and for not having a clear process up earlier for you to request your content to be removed.

 

Regards,

Derek Chau


CEO, Ratchet Technology

First, this is not an apology. Second, it demonstrates no grasp of what he did wrong.

Update 3:  Another email has come in from Derek Chau, but this one reflects both a sincere apology and recognition that Law Ratchet was wrong to scrape.

Scott,


 


I want to sincerely and personally apologize.  I acknowledge that my first reply was insufficient.  We clearly operated in a way that caused you and others to be upset. That certainly wasn’t our intention and we are sorry.  We acknowledge and respect the concerns raised by you and your readers.  In addition to an apology, we are taking steps to address these concerns.


 


First, you were absolutely right to call us out on “scraping” content from some websites: for some sources, we had partial RSS feeds and scraped the remainder of the article from the source website.  We stopped doing that today and you were right for drawing attention to it.  We honestly didn’t appreciate or anticipate the effect on authors.  Now we do.  Because of your comments, that stopped today and we no longer scrape.   The portions of article that had been scraped in the past will be removed from our site.


 


Second, we recognize that we did not have adequate copyright notices page on our website; while we filed for the DMCA registration about two weeks ago, it hasn’t come through.  We are working now to improve the webpage to more clearly include contact information for copyright-related concerns.


 


Third, we haven’t adequately communicated to you and the broader community what Law Ratchet actually is and how it works.  Putting any sales pitch aside for the moment, Law Ratchet is a pre-populated RSS reader, and similar in function to the many other RSS readers available on the market.  Our distinguishing characteristic is that we went through many blogs and put them in relevant categories so that it would be easier for a typical user to pick up and use right away.  We genuinely (perhaps naively) figured that most authors would be excited by the prospect of having their RSS feeds discovered by more people.   Because of the concerns you have raised, we will work to improve our communication with content publishers.  We will also provide an opt-out option to make it easy for them to have their content removed from the site.  


 


Again, my apologies.  We are working diligently to apologize to and respond to all authors who have expressed concerns.  We welcome sincere and open dialogue.


 


Regards,


Derek Chau


I accept Derek’s apology, his good will representation that his new business will not continue to engage in scraping, and Law Ratchet will base its future efforts on contributing to the blawgosphere rather than being a parasite, feeding off it for his own benefit. To his credit (and to my great surprise given his first email), Derek chose not to “double down,” and it must have been a very difficult thing to do. I respect that he faced up to what was very wrong here and dealt with it.

As far as I’m concerned, this apology ends the matter. I plan to make clear to Derek what things he should not be doing if he doesn’t want to make his business a pariah and defendant. Feel free to let him know any thoughts you have as well.  While I have serious doubts that his business model will work, I wish him well now that the scraping is behind him.

Memorial Day, 2013

In an homage to those who died in the service of their nation, the  New York Times published an article and image that struck home.



The perfect uniform, laid out as if someone was within it, evokes the sense of perfect loss, perfect emptiness, that one feels toward the fallen Marine who will be put to rest in it. One cannot help but feel the loss, and sentimentality, as well as the rightness of honoring the man for whom the uniform is prepared.

Yet, it also raises a troubling notion. 

The soldier bent to his work, careful as a diamond cutter. He carried no weapon or rucksack, just a small plastic ruler, which he used to align a name plate, just so, atop the breast pocket of an Army dress blue jacket, size 39R.

“Blanchard,” the plate read.

And so Staff Sgt. Miguel Deynes labored meticulously, almost lovingly, over every crease and fold, every ribbon and badge, of the dress uniform that would clothe Captain Blanchard in his final resting place.

“It’s more than an honor,” Sergeant Deynes said. “It’s a blessing to dress that soldier for the last time.”

What if Capt. Aaron R. Blanchard lived?  Is it not still a blessing to care for those who survive?

This isn’t to suggest that the war dead haven’t earned the devotion of a nation or its military. On this Memorial Day, 2013, we honor those who lost their lives to war in the service of our country, and we do so without regard to our politics or thoughts about whether any young American should be put in harm’s way. No one can question the propriety of Sgt. Deynes doing everything he can to assure that Capt. Blanchard, that every soldier lost to war, is treated with the utmost respect.

And yet we can also ponder why our military, our government, doesn’t deem it worthwhile to show the same honor, the same precision, to those who live. The wounded. The walking wounded, who suffer traumatic brain injury that no one seems to notice or take seriously enough, but who end up leaving military service to find themselves in a world that has no use for them, can’t accommodate them. They have medals and ribbons, but no jobs or adequate care.

As we think about those who gave their lives, do we not have room in our minds to think about those who stood next to them but didn’t die?  They are all worthy of our respect and honor. More importantly, they are all worthy of our meticulous care. 
Gently, he laid the pieces onto a padded table. Black socks protruded from the pants and white gloves from the sleeves. The funeral would be a closed coffin, but it all still had to look right.

“They are not going to see it,” he said. “I do it for myself.”

Sgt. Deynes did it because it was the right thing to do. The rest of us can see our returning soldiers, and yet can’t be bothered doing the right thing for them as they take off their uniform and blend in with the rest of us, to be treated as shabbily as everyone else for not having died for their country.






On Second Guess, Still Wrong

In the aftermath of  the killing of Hofstra student Andrea Rebello by  the eighth bullet from a police officer’s handgun, the  reaction of the police union is precisely what one would expect.


Nassau’s police union president blamed the armed parolee for a Hofstra student’s death and fiercely defended the officer Tuesday who shot and killed the 21-year-old woman and the gunman as he held her in a chokehold.

“We back his decision 100 percent,” James Carver, president of the Nassau County Police Benevolent Association, said at a news conference in Mineola. “There’s only one person responsible for what happened early Friday and that’s the ex-con.”
No one can blame Carver for doing what he’s supposed to do as the union president. So what if the argument defies the logic borne of false dichotomies.  He’s there to back up his officers, and that’s what he does.

Even if there was any wiggle room in his perception, any waver in his voice, when it came to doing his job, the police officer, “identified by sources as Nikolas Budimlic.” made a mistake that resulted in Rebello’s death. There are no shortage of cop stories where deaths were caused maliciously or recklessly, and no one suspects bad intent on the cop’s part. So the union’s defense of its member required no stretch of morality, even if reason was strained to the breaking point.


“There’s some second-guessing going on by people who think maybe he should have stayed outside the house, but our job is to get inside there and make sure we can protect as many people as we can,” Carver said.

Well, no. Your job was to not kill victims or bystanders. Your job was not to cause greater damage than the crime you were fighting. That you want to deceive the public so that no one notices the fatal error is one thing, but let’s not pretend you did your job by putting a bullet into the head of Andrea Rebello.  Still, the role of union president isn’t to be reasonable. Not even correct. It’s to cover your members, and Carver did exactly that.

But what is understandable of a union president isn’t acceptable from the editorial board of the only newspaper in the neighborhood, Newsday.


There should be no misunderstanding about why Hofstra student Andrea Rebello is dead: The life of this 21-year-old Tarrytown resident ended tragically because Dalton Smith, a career criminal who had spent the vast majority of his adulthood incarcerated for serious, often violent crimes, invaded her home and menaced Rebello and others (including her twin sister) with a loaded gun.

In a way, sure. Smith is the criminal. Smith is the person who set in motion the events that ultimately ended in the death of Andrea Rebello. Smith is to blame. But that is facile as it is the nature of crime, yet does nothing to explain why she is dead.  Smith is only one piece of the puzzle, and to suggest otherwise is to wallow in a false dichotomy of choices, where there can only be one person to blame. That’s a logical fallacy.

But the editorial then compounds its error by picking on the low hanging fruit:
But even while there is no question where to hang the blame, there are questions that need to be answered, some of which stem from the fact that this felon was in a position to commit the crime:


Should Smith have been paroled after he served nine years for attempted armed robbery and criminal possession of a weapon?


Was it appropriate to let Smith out once again, in February, after he had been jailed for violating that parole? Will we learn that the local parole office is understaffed?


Was Smith pursued as actively as he should have been once a warrant was issued for his arrest in April, again for violating parole?

It’s true that no convicted criminal could ever commit another crime if he was never released from prison. Or better still, executed. Is that what the editorial seeks, the execution of every criminal? Of course, then the other convicts released who aren’t named “Smith” would be held forever as well, or executed as the case may be, because one can never be sure which one will commit a crime in the future. So all of them, Newsday? Every one? Forever? Is that the question you really mean to ask?

Or was the fault that he tested dirty and violated parole? Are you contending that Smith should have gotten life for that? The editorial strains not merely reason, but its own editorial positions. Which is it, Newsday, drug treatment or the death penalty. Make up your mind.


The other issues involve the review of the police response in the tense and chaotic minutes after they arrived at the crime scene.
Those “tense and chaotic minutes” are what police are trained for, the moment when they need to get it right. While it may tug at the heartstrings of the public to explain why it would have been so terribly difficult for an untrained citizen to handle this situation, dumbing it down for sympathy is the weapon of a police union president, not an editorial board.


Second-guessing the officer who fired seven bullets into Smith and one into Rebello, killing both, is not the point. That officer was faced with numerous split-second decisions, starting with whether to enter the house and ending with whether to fire. If Andrea Rebello had lived, the officer would be hailed a hero.
Second-guessing the officer is precisely the point. There is no control over the acts of a criminal, whose conduct violates the law and the social compact, putting people at risk for evil reasons.  This is why we have police officers. This is why we train them. This is why we give them weapons and a shield, the authority to do things that the rest of us cannot.  Because they are supposed to stand between us, the law-abiding citizenry, and the criminal who, by definition, is engaged in bad conduct.

It’s true that the officer would be “hailed a hero” had Rebello lived, but that would be making the same facile mistake as blaming Smith to the exclusion of the erroneous execution of procedure by the officer. The end doesn’t justify the means, even if most people, including those sitting on Newsday’s editorial board, are happy enough to think so.

The words “second-guessing” are pejorative, suggesting that there is no such thing as well-conceived, well-executed police practice that is designed to provide the greatest likelihood that no victim will die from a police officer’s bullet in her head. This isn’t a guess. Saving lives isn’t an accident, any more than taking them. 

While no one expects the police union president to be anything other than an apologist for his members, offering phony excuses for a terrible situation so that blame is shifted anywhere but on a cop, our expectations of the media, of Newsday, are different and higher. And it’s Newsday’s job to “second-guess” when a 21-year-old Hofstra co-ed dies from a bullet in her head.

We know Smith was a criminal. We also know he didn’t murder Andrea Rebello. Blame isn’t limited to one person, and nothing is illuminated by an illogical and deceptive editorial. Who you going to blame when the next police bullet strikes a victim?








Still The Same Three Letters After Your Name

Few people who stumble on a blawg realize there’s history.  For those of us who have been doing this awhile, there can be quite a bit of history, enough that we don’t quite remember all we’ve written.  Every once in a while, someone will find an old post and feel compelled to put in their 2¢, and we are reminded of words that disappeared from the front page years ago.

In the intervening years, new things come up and old things are sometimes revisited. More often than not, the subjects of posts from back then remain issues, and ought to be evergreen.  Unfortunately, that’s not the nature of blawgs, and people who need to read old posts never do, and people who write blawgs don’t repeat themselves for the benefit of newcomers. 

This was all brought to mind when a young lawyer left a comment at a post by Houston criminal defense lawyer Mark Bennett at Defending People from December 1, 2007, nearly six years ago.  The post was entitled How to become a federal criminal defense lawyer.

Six years is forever on the interwebz, long before Joseph Rakofsky was retained to represent Dontrell Deaner. He was still a student at Touro Law School at the time. Had he read this post, perhaps he wouldn’t have taken on the case and set in motion the course of events that destroyed his career. Perhaps not.

The post offers some truisms about the practice of law.


So the first and most impor­tant thing for the aspir­ing fed­eral crim­i­nal lawyer to know is this: you don’t know squat. Accept that with calm humil­ity and good cheer. You may have edited the law review … and cap­tained the mock trial team … at Yale. You are not pre­pared in the slight­est to defend peo­ple accused of crimes any­where, let alone fed­eral court. Even if you spent years as a state pros­e­cu­tor, even if you spent years as a defense lawyer in state court, even if you served as a fed­eral pros­e­cu­tor, you are now offi­cially a fed­eral crim­i­nal defense new­bie, and a new­bie you will remain until you have tried sev­eral fed­eral crim­i­nal cases to juries as a defense lawyer. Plead­ing peo­ple guilty does not count. Only after you’ve tried some cases as defense coun­sel in fed­eral court will you know squat.

Strong words. They weren’t quite as controversial to the new lawyer then as they are today, as the dearth of jobs for new lawyers hadn’t yet sunk in, but still they were harsh to their ears.  Bright and shiny faces, ready to take the world by storm, being told they knew squat.

The lawyer who stumbled upon this post the other day, now years later and in the age when many new lawyers hang up their own shingles because they have no other choice, took this old post of Bennett’s and overlaid today’s sensibilities.



As a young attor­ney, with life expe­ri­ence, your com­men­tary is some what offen­sive. Accord­ing to your expert fig­ures, nearly 80 per­cent of cases set­tle. In that regard, we as lawyers, minimize expo­sure, tak­ing into account the facts of the case. It does not take years of expe­ri­ence to size up a case. With regard to defend­ing a crim­i­nal client. I sub­mit that a young hun­gry attorney, that excelled in mock trials, is absolutely ready to try a case. In fact, given the facts of your arti­cle, much more so than you were in your first bank rob­bery case.

I am a hum­ble lawyer and know that there is more to learn each and every day I prac­tice. I watch and lis­ten to sea­soned attor­neys and hope that I will be able to speak as elo­quently as them and grasp the law as they do. How­ever, if you pre­pare as a young lawyer, you can make up for lack of expe­ri­ence. [Broken into two paragraphs for readability.]

This self-proclaimed humble young lawyer, “that excelled in mock trials,” contends that he’s more than ready to do whatever he decides he’s ready to do. “It does not take years of expe­ri­ence to size up a case.” He can, he says, make up for his lack of experience by preparing. 

Perhaps he believes that experienced lawyers don’t prepare, plus have experience?  Perhaps this is just the rationalization of a child with nothing remotely resembling thought. That song, I believe I can fly, plays in my head.  Believe all you want, but don’t jump off the roof. You cant fly.

Worse than the self-serving delusion of inherent competence, however, was his schooling Bennett:


And at the end of the day, when you pull back the cur­tain on crim­i­nal law, the fact is the great wiz­ard of oz is just a man. You are not as impor­tant as you might think and you your­self should be more humble and will­ing to be a men­tor from a place of humil­ity rather than arrogance.

Forget the irony of the padawan telling the master how to teach, and note instead the irony of this young lawyer’s chastising Bennett for his lack of humility. Teach me as I demand to be taught, the grasshopper admonishes, as if he does a favor by allowing the mentor to bask in his youthful importance.

Bennett, a patient fellow, responds that in a decade or two, the young lawyer will read his words and recognize their foolishness. I was not so kind. I am not as patient as Bennett. But the young lawyer was compelled to finish his lesson:



This whole take your med­i­cine and leave the prac­tic­ing of law to sea­soned lawyer is somewhat amus­ing. I have the same three let­ters after my name as you. I fully under­stand my place as far as being some­what new to the pro­fes­sion, but believe in teach­ing and men­tor­ing from a place of encour­age­ment and empow­er­ment, not from a place of fear and doubt.

If I was hum­ble, I would not respond to the sea­soned defense attor­ney, telling me that he does not want to hold my hand, as I try and forge ahead just as he did years ago? I can say that I am hum­ble and will­ing to learn, just smart enough to know that In years to come I will teach from a dif­fer­ent place than your arti­cle sug­gests. That in and of itself would be considered by some to be wis­dom. [Again broken into two paragraphs for readability.]

So this is the new notion of wisdom? At least this young lawyer’s foolishness brought this old post of Bennett’s back onto the radar, and for that his comment was worthwhile. 

Maybe it’s time to recycle things written in the past that remain as appropriate today as they were when first posted. It’s a shame that good advice is lost to time on the interwebz. Clearly, the need for it remains as much today as it did then. Maybe moreso.