Bottoms Up?

Lawprof Bill Henderson was part of the ABA Task Force on the Future of Legal Education, charged with coming up with tough measures to deal with what anyone more thoughtful than a dirt pile now concedes is a royal disaster.  He writes about it at The Legal Whiteboard.

The issues are well known, too many warm bodies, too expensive, too impractical an education to allow students to put it to use without a second education in how to actually practice law.  Yet, putting anybody in a room with the ABA seal of approval is almost the kiss of death of solutions, no less tough measures.

Contrary to what outsiders may believe, the ABA types don’t reflect boots-on-the-ground lawyering, where trench lawyer-types make hard choices every day, and put solving problems ahead of the niceties of cooperation, consensus and civility.  It’s not that we’re not civil or try to be cooperative, but that the primary goal is fixing a mess, and we never forget it.

Bill was, how shall we say, unconvinced that “deliberative bodies” such as the Task Force had the wherewithal to deal with problems of the ABA’s own making, such as its accreditation requirements, but offers a twist.


These programs are laudable and, from an institutional perspective, necessary.  But will an ABA taskforce, or AALS, LSAC, or some other industry group taskforce produce substantial change?  History suggests that the answer is no and that, instead, meaningful change will come from the bottom up rather than the top down.  Change will occur at the bottom from either the desire to survive or the opportunity to do something great.  Other similarly situated institutions that feel less urgency or inspiration will eventually perish.  It is just that simple


The accreditation system we have created is an anachronism.  But if we think the ABA Standards are holding back the forces of innovation in legal education, we are kidding ourselves. Any law school or law professor who wants a better way can have one — we are all like Dorothy and her red slippers in the Wizard of Oz: we have had the power all along.


It’s certainly true that no one really needs the ABA’s permission. Indeed, being somewhat Malthusian, I suspect nature will provide a harsh but effective solution to thin the herd regardless, though I doubt it will suit any of the stakeholders. But if the stodgy ABA types can’t manage to get off the dime, Bill suggests that Dorothy can do it without them.

From an analogy of his own experience, pre lawprof, as president of his firefighter local union, Bill explains how they joined together in their mutual self-interest to push through a highly beneficial law which allowed his union members to submit the inevitable impasse to binding arbitration. Naturally, it meant that they got a raise no matter what, as public sector arbitrators are invariably inclined to do.  Bill had told me of his sordid past, so this came as no surprise to me.

His suggestion is that Dorothy is a lawprof, and if the prawfs could organize themselves and click their heels, they could force the change that the ABA can’t or won’t.  They can rip the accreditation process from this dinosaur’s claws.  This leaves the future of law school to the sensibilities of lawprofs. The problem is that the present state is a product of the best ideas of lawprofs, who held that wing of the ABA captive at the time and created rules that favored them at the time.

One alternative is that the law students and young lawyers, for whom the disaster has had the greatest impact and who, like the lawprofs, are sufficiently interested that they can, and have, organized into “unions” to force change.  But having had the misfortune of spending a bit of time the other day watching a particularly vocal segment of them interact, this holds little promise. 

A blog called Outside the Law School Scam, purportedly to start from the point where Paul Campos’  Inside the Law School Scam left off, offered a  vapid critique of a post by  Keith Lee urging young lawyers to get off their butts, stop whining, and make their life happen.  Brian Tannebaum jumped in to back up Lee’s view, which generated one of the most  absurd attacks ever launched from behind the jungle gym.

That it was snarky, vicious, infantile, even anti-semitic, didn’t bother me greatly. Even children can be amusing, and tone should never get in the way of substance. Though I might have preferred they spend their time worry about whether to  pay down their debt or save for their future, they instead found it more important to “burn” Tannebaum.  “Burn,” apparently, is a term of art among digital natives, meaning that they “won” the battle for playground hegemony, even if only in their own unformed minds.

But it was a modern day example of what in my youth would amount to screaming “your mother wears army boots.” Painful as that may be to a third grader, adults aren’t particularly persuaded by such cries. We live in reality, not juvenile fantasy, and we know our mother doesn’t wear army boots. What saddened me deeply with the monumentally poor grasp these young lawyers had on what constituted valid reasoning and their tenuous grasp of reality. As amusing as their snark may have been, their critical thinking skills were largely nonexistent.  Without them, they cannot be Dorothy.

So if Dorothy shouldn’t be lawprofs, and can’t be law students or young lawyers, the only stakeholders left are more mature and experienced lawyers.  And from what I’ve seen, we aren’t sufficiently interested in the fiasco happening in law school to take time away from trying to serve our clients or make a living. 

Malthus for the legal profession is beginning to seem the most likely default, and it is highly unlikely that it will please any of us or make our profession any better. But unless something gives, it will happen whether we want it to or not.  We can wait for Swift to make a modest proposal to shake us out of our lethargy and self-absorption, or we can spare a few moments that we might otherwise spend learning how to  use twitter to build a successful law practice and serve as the counterpoint to the lawprofs’ self-interest and the law students’ terminal immaturity.



Talk Too Much

It’s 9:08 a.m. on a Saturday, and I should be in the midst of a meeting with a fellow with whom I made an appointment to do some work on my home. A neighbor used him, and told me he did a decent job. She also told me that he talked too much.

Me: Does he take a hint to stop?

Her: No, not at all.

Me: So what should I do?

Her: The only way to get him to stop is to tell him to stop talking. Anything less direct and he doesn’t get it.

Me: So just tell him to shut up?

Her: Pretty much. Or stand there for an hour and listen to him talk about nonsense that means nothing to you.

Me: Got it.

It wasn’t that I didn’t care that he was a talker, but that my options were limited.  Following Hurricane Sandy, there were things to be fixed.  I called about, but couldn’t get anyone on the line. No one even called back. For the moment, the people who fixed things were in great demand, and didn’t need the work. They would, of course, need the work later, after they milked the storm for all it was worth, and then they would come begging, hat in hand, for any work they could find.  But for the moment, they were in demand.

Being a principled person, I had a problem with calling people in the spring who were too important to return my call in the fall, which is why I sought my neighbor’s advice. She had someone I didn’t call, and therefore it wouldn’t violate my sense of propriety to contact him now.

Dr. SJ had seen the work done at the neighbors, and thought it looked fine.  Speak with her, Dr. SJ commanded me. Find out her person and call him, she implored. So I did.

He returned my call a day after I left him a message, and we spoke briefly, with him asking me to email him my address and contact information, and then launching into a description of the wonders of his services. I cut him short by telling him I had to go, and sent off the email.

I heard nothing back for a week. I sent him another email, asking if he received the first.  He responded by suggesting that we meet today, and asked if that was good with me and for a time. I replied that it was good and gave him a time of 9 a.m.  He sur-replied “perfect, see you then.”

And here I am, typing on a computer instead of meeting with him because he called me at 8:55 a.m. to tell me he was running late for our first meeting.  He launched into an explanation of the many very important things he had to do this morning that caused him to run late to our appointed meeting, but I told him to stop talking.  He sounded hurt.

At least he called.

Sam’s Club at #Lawyernomics (Awesome Video Update!!!)

Heads were exploding. It’s always fun to watch heads explode. Carefully crafted business plans were dropping like flies, as desperate twits trying to spin the words were typed furiously.  Avvo’s Lawyernomics conference was in full force, and somebody let Sam Glover onto the stage.  There will be hell to pay.

Before you rip me a new one, yes, that’s the same Sam Glover who owns the Puddle. Yes, the same Puddle that offers insipid, superficial advice from lawyers who have yet to need a shave about how to be a fabulous lawyer, not necessarily wrong but invariably inadequate. But then, remember that Puddle readers tend to prefer small words, ideas that require no chewing and numbered lists so they can check them off.  It’s not the same crowd as here, so don’t judge them harshly.  That’s my job, anyway.

Even though my  Lawyernomics closing keynote address is fully written, somebody at Avvo forgot to send me a first class ticket to Vegas, so I have to count on others at the conference to provide a counterpoint to the facile nonsense they’re giving the sad mopes who paid to attend.  Like this:



Then Sam gave his presentation, gracefully entitled “Why your blog sucks (and what to do about it).”  He begins with an apology for his role in making our world a little worse.


A lot of lawyers have blogs. A lot of those blogs suck.


I suppose I am partly to blame for this. For years, I told every lawyer who would listen that he or she ought to start a blog. I explained that a blog was a great way to get clients in the door, as if that would magically happen if you started posting something on your blog every few days. I neglected to explain how to write a blog that doesn’t suck.

You suppose? Yes, it’s not entirely Sam’s fault, but only because he doesn’t have that kind of clout (with a “c”, not a “K”), but he did everything he could to help fit lawyers into hotpants. Before you start screaming, “baby lawyer, heal thyself,” don’t blame him too harshly. 

Bear in mind that he sought an audience of new lawyers with exceptionally limited understanding of either the law or the business of practicing law. They desired not only validation, but bits of advice in very small, easily digestible bites. And there was no way they could stand being told they weren’t special. They may not have been the best and the brightest, but they were special little snowflakes.

Ah, how times change. Sam has posted his presentation and you can read it in its entirety at the Puddle.  Taking a page from Sam’s playbook, here is the one sentence summary:


Write good stuff because you want to that other people will want to read.

That’s when the heads began to explode. Sam Glover, friend and confidant of the Slackoisie and marketers everywhere, speaking truth to his tribe?

This comes as no surprise to me. I’ve watched Sam develop for a while now, having been occasionally critical of his ugly baby, even if in a way that made him feel somewhat less than fully appreciated.  They don’t like tough love at the Puddle, but its merit becomes undeniable over time.  And I attribute time and natural maturation to Sam’s epiphany.  Reading what Sam writes, I have seen him recognize how the notions he promoted a few years ago were, how can I say this nicely, bone-headedly wrong.

The point is that the baby lawyers who thought they knew it all grow up.  They gain experience, suffer the indignities of reality over time, and come to realize that neither life nor the practice of law is nearly as easy and simple as they once believed with all their heart and soul.  If they have half a brain, and by no means is Sam not a bright fellow, their eyes eventually open and they see that the stuff the mean curmudgeons talk about has been happening all around them the whole time, and they were just too busy believing their own nonsense and validating their own choices to see it.

Sam Glover is coming into his own.  And I, for one, am proud of him.

He’s got a ways to go still, as is apparent from his Lawyernomics talk. The business he got from the name recognition he developed as a baby blogger might have been pretty good for a n00b, but will be the stuff he doesn’t want as his practice matures.  He will come to realize that things that work in local niche practices don’t scale or work for lawyers in other practice areas.  His tolerance for the hundreds of phone calls for free answers will wane.  But all this takes time.

A glaring omission is that not everyone can have a viable blawg. For some, the love of writing isn’t enough to make their output sufficiently interesting to anyone else.  For some, there will be the painful lesson that their best ideas are deemed by others to be, well, dumber than dirt. Not every lawyer’s thoughts are brilliant. But the overarching reason is that even if they’re good, there isn’t enough room for ten thousand blawgs. Nobody has that much time to read. 

Still, watching this change happen to Sam has been enormously gratifying to me. Contrary to those who think curmudgeons hate the babies, we are very much interested in helping them to move beyond their infancy and become productive members of the profession. We are here to help, and willing to give of our time and energy to aid in their success. We want nothing from them, no business, no money, no adoration, and see our role as an obligation of one generation of lawyers to those that follow to move them from crawling to walking to running.

But it is fun to watch Sam make other people’s heads explode. Mea culpa. And it’s good to know that there will be lawyers in the generations that follow the grey-beards who aren’t satisfied with wallowing in the gutter.

Special Added Attraction: And if you think I’m dead wrong here and just a complete and total douche,  Bruce Godfrey offers you a blogging form to facilitate your path to awesome wealth and prestige.


Update:  Colin O’Keefe, Kevin’s kid, interviews Sam Glover for LXBN :




This Is Why You Can’t Afford Preppy Shirts (Update)

When a multinational corporation finds out that some of its tens of thousands of employees, agents and their nasty friends are up to no good under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, they open the big money pit in the back of headquarters and throw in tons of cash.  Well, actually they hire lawyers to conduct investigations to prove them guilty as sin and, for good measure, alert the government to prove what good corporate citizens they are.  But it’s the same thing.

Ralph Lauren, the fellow who sells more shirts with a polo pony on them than with the name Lipschitz emblazoned on the breast, found out the hard way that the playbook is a harsh and expensive solution. Via Lawrence Cunningham at Concurring Opinions :

Ralph Lauren Corp.’s mid-level executives discovered that a few line employees in Argentina had bribed local officials. That enabled importing of the company’s clothing products without the necessary paperwork or inspection.  The bribes, paid from 2005 to 2009, ran to $593,000.

A routine internal corporate review of controls and compliance programs by Lauren managers uncovered the employee actions.  The corporate response was swift, a textbook exercise in corporate crisis management.


Crisis management may not be the best way to describe it.  Yes, it’s the “common wisdom,” but that comes from former government prosecutors who have shifted to Biglaw “defense,” which means they hold corporate hands while walking them to the United States Attorneys office to confess, write checks larger than the economies of several small nations and offer their first born.  For substantially larger sums, these specialists tell their charges there is nothing to be done other than kill off employees, concede malfeasance and throw money away, a not-insignificant chunk of it ending up in their hands.



A prompt investigation was conducted, involving translation and examination of documents and interviews of witnesses.  It resulted in dismissal of several employees and recommendations for internal governance reforms that included new reporting protocols and training programs.


Within two weeks of the discovery, Lauren provided the resulting full report  to US federal authorities, including the Securities and Exchange Commission and Department of Justice, accompanied by the documentary record.  (The company then went further: terminating operations in Argentina and conducting a worldwide review of compliance and training programs.)

Who needs the feds when legal advice compels a company to do the government’s job for it, only swifter, better and with more devastating consequences.


For such efforts, the SEC’s enforcement authorities decided to give the company enormous credit and a mere slap on the wrist.  In a non-prosecution agreement, the SEC required Lauren to disgorge the $593,000 plus interest of $142,000. It did not require the company to make any additional changes in controls or governance machinery.
Disgorge is a curious description. The $593,000 is the amount they paid out in bribes, not the amount they took in. Disgorge usually refers to the fruits of crime, but instead refers here to the perverse perspective of our government in keeping American corporations pure as the driven snow while minor warlords elsewhere demand their piece of the pie. Whether it’s money in or out, gained or lost, or even neither existing nor realized, it’s all money the government demands be disgorged.


The DOJ was not content with such a modest federal response. Although it also refrained from imposing governance changes, the DOJ imposed a penalty of $882,000 and required the company to admit to specific allegations (detailed in 16-paragraphs of text).
The problem is that the only enterprise allowed to engage in wanton corporate financial crime is the government.  So the SEC merely doubled (with interest!) Ralph Lauren’s loss. That left nothing for the DOJ to suck up to get its piece of the prize money and demonstrate its omnipotence over a major player in the world of commerce. After all, Ralph did everything the playbook says, and expected to fork over a few suitcases, shake hands and get Clothier of the Year from Washington. Instead, the young but powerful lawyers at DOJ needed their own bite out of the corporation, because the SEC’s piece did them no good.

But these numbers are still rather insignificant for Ralph. You like their shirts and they like to charge a premium for the polo pony, all of which enables them to throw big numbers around over some nonsense that happened in Argentina.


No sizable corporation can assure that no crimes will be committed by its employees or agents. The best we can do is design governance, control systems and training programs to deter and detect. When a system shows leaks, corrective steps are warranted. Ideal steps are best determined by the corporation’s own management, as done here.

They don’t need the headache of penny-ante shenanigans by low-level staff creating corporate problems, and Ralph has far more motivation to quell such antics than anyone else. Clean, solid companies don’t need scandals or indictments.  But collecting the pocket change isn’t enough to appease the kids at Justice.



Government officials rarely know enough about corporate governance or culture to direct corrective steps.  Yet the proliferation of deferred prosecution agreements in the past few years has led them to do so expansively.

Because a bunch of lawyer a couple years out of law school with deep experience warming a seat in a Biglaw library are suddenly endowed with the ability to tell major corporations how to run their companies.

Not to be unfair to the government lawyers honing their corporate skills, this is the job they’ve been given. What makes it work is the dozens of lawyers from dozens of firms who flowed through the DOJ to Biglaw pipeline to be partners without portfolios specializing in facilitating corporate confession and contrition, because that’s what the playbook says they must do.

And if you wonder why that preppy shirt with the polo pony costs so much, at least you can take comfort that looking like a Ralph model (except a few sizes larger) fed the government’s war chest and kept a few nobody employees on the unemployment line.  Isn’t it grand how honestly run major corporations can be with the government’s hand on the wheel?  Because American enterprise will do far better under the control of Justice lawyers than the guys who know how to make and sell shirts, and cleaned up the mess on their own anyway.

Update:  On the applause of how well it went for Ralph Lauren to “cooperate” with the government, proving that it’s better to concede than not, Mike Koehler at  FCPA Professor writes:

When the DOJ (and now the SEC) use resolution vehicles [non-prosecution agreements] that are not subject to one ounce of judicial scrutiny, this is not something to praise, it is something to lament.


When the DOJ and SEC take action against an entity (one of the world’s most admired companies according to this recent Fortune list) that had an isolated instance of conduct that likely did not even violate the FCPA as Congress intended, this is not something to praise, it is something to lament.


When the DOJ and SEC extract approximately $1.6 million from an entity that acted like a responsible corporate citizen upon learning of an issue, and then imposes annual government reporting obligations on that company, and otherwise “muzzles” the company, this is not something to praise, it is something to lament.


And of course, despite all this fabulous cooperation, it could just as easily have gone a very different way, as it has for so many others.  It’s nice to know I’m not the only one who questions the very expensive common wisdom of capitulation.

Zero Minus 16

Not too many care about the fact that Dzhokhar Tsarnaev is a kid. Not too many will feel troubled that he was shot.  In fact, there are a great many of us who think that rubbing salt in his wound would have been an excellent way to both make him talk and pay him back, just a little for now, for the horrible crime he’s accused of.  After all, America is furious, and that changes everything.

The battle between a principled criminal justice system and whoever we hate the most at the moment rages every time a tragedy strikes.  But that’s the point.  The legal system doesn’t have much reason to seize the people we admire and respect, the ones we want to be treated well and whose rights we pray will be honored. Not that it doesn’t happen, but not often.

It’s by the treatment of Tsarnaev that the bar is set.  And it has just be set at 16 hours, but only by the fortuitous interference of a United States Magistrate Judge.  How many more hours is left to our imagination, but for that mettlesome judge.  Via Emily Bazelon at Slate :


According to the AP, Dzhokhar Tsarnaev answered questions for 16 hours before he was read the Miranda warning that he could remain silent and could ask for a lawyer. Once Tsarnaev was told that, he stopped talking. (So much for the idea that everyone has heard Miranda warnings so many times on TV that they have become an empty ritual.) The AP also reports that the investigators questioning him were “surprised when a magistrate judge and a representative from the U.S. Attorney’s office entered the hospital room.” The investigators “had planned to keep questioning him.”

Wow. That’s bad no matter your point of view.
The accuracy of that last line is unclear.  Jon Stewart did a montage during his monologue the other night that suggests there is a point of view that wouldn’t find this bad at all.




While the Bill of Rights may be largely up for grabs, the focus on how the feds handled their moment in the sun in the interrogation of Tsarnaev is instructive.  There have been no shortage of words spilled on the Quarles public safety exception to Miranda, with discussion ranging from the rationale for not alerting the target of his right to remain silent in order to prevent imminent harm to more people while lawyers, guys like me, harp on constitutional rights rather than saving people’s lives.  The questions of admissibility of evidence seem pretty trivial compared to stopping the murder of innocent bystanders.

Despite this discussion, there remain some huge questions and assumption involved in what the government has chosen to do to Tsarnaev.  Is it conceivable that they needed 16 hours plus to ascertain whether there was another person or group about to engage in another attack?


But to show the distance we’ve traveled: No one delayed the Miranda warnings—or talked about enemy combatant status—for Timothy McVeigh, the Oklahoma City bomber, or Eric Rudolph, the Atlanta Olympics bomber. OK, that was before 9/11. But even in 2009 after the arrest of the attempted Christmas Day bomber, Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, the FBI questioned Abdulmutallab for only 50 minutes before Mirandizing him.

If this is about the public safety exception, than the government has taken a quantum leap into the temporal abyss.  But it’s not clear that this has anything to do with the public safety exception, as it’s hard to imagine anyone arguing with a straight face that they needed five hours, ten, 16, more, to find out whether this 19 year old kid, this kid who had been shot, this kid who (for all he knew) was about to disappear in some black hole the government reserves for terrorists, knew anything about another imminent attack.

Most of our constitutional protections are built upon an assumption, that the remedy for their violation provides an incentive for the government not to do so.  We have plenty of platitudes about our beloved freedom and liberty, and how grand we are when it comes to honoring them, but that’s the stuff for school children and people who aspire to live on cul-de-sacs.

What our system is particularly poor at is keeping the men with guns in line when they chose to behave differently.  The incentives all apply best after the fact, and even then can’t be relied upon.  I expect the very smart lawyers at the Department of Justice will pool their resources and come up with a brilliant explanation for why this had to be done, replete with appealing platitudes like “freedom isn’t free” and “you have to break a few eggs to make an omelet.”  They have an aptitude for coming up with logical fallacies that play well to the masses, and I merely speculate as to where they will go since my imagination isn’t nearly as fertile.

But this shows us that our protectors can’t be trusted with vague exceptions that allow the exercise of discretion.  Bright line tests fail to accommodate the outlier situations, the needs that might arise if unanticipated things happen, like aliens invading Manhattan or American kids, described as Chechen so we forget they wear their hat in that stupid backward fashion, bombing Boston.  Don’t we owe the feds the respect to let them do as they must to protect us?

So we gave them 50 minutes and they took 16 hours. They would have taken more but for the surprise visit of the judge, who didn’t get the memo that they hadn’t extracted all they wanted yet.  And for this, they have the trust and appreciation of the American people for making us feel safer because we hate this kid for what he is accused of doing. 

Contrary to Bazelon’s “wow,” I doubt that most will think this “bad.”  They may the next time it happens, when the individual isn’t nearly as hated as Tsarnaev, but by then it will be too late.

Children Hostage in the War on Pot

The details are pretty sketchy, and the source pretty partisan, so let’s assume the worst for the sake of argument.  Via Toke Signals, which should give you a clue about the sources perspective:

The home of Idaho marijuana activists Lindsey and Josh Rinehart was raided on Tuesday by Boise Police and Child Protective Services while Lindsey, Josh and their friend Sarah Caldwell, a fellow marijuana activist, were on a small trip to the mountains.


Lindsey and Josh’s two children were taken into “protective custody,” and because Sarah’s two children were also at the residence with the babysitter, they were taken as well.


It’s left unsaid what exactly the arrests might be for, but I would take a wild guess and say it probably has something to do with this:


“This happened yesterday, so now it’s a waiting game for hearings and to see if the state is pressing charges,” Frank said. “When the police raided the house they took several garbage bags full of evidence (Lindsey has MS) so charges are probably being filed as we speak.

Several garbage bags full of evidence can mean a lot of things. Let us assume that the evidence is marijuana, and the “several garbage bags full” means, say, a lot of it. Enough of it to make it a felony punishable by a term of years in prison.

The parents of the children taken are open supporters of marijuana legalization, leaders of the movement to make medical marijuana available in Idaho. 



Lindsey Rinehart is the director, chief petitioner and volunteer coordinator for Compassionate Idaho’s medical marijuana petition. She is also a core member of the Idaho HOPEFest Committee and of Idaho Moms for Marijuana. Josh Rinehart is Lindsey’s husband, director of Idaho NORML, and core member of Idaho HOPEFest and Compassionate Idaho.



Sarah Caldwell is executive director of finance in Moms For Marijuana International. She is also a founding member of Idaho Moms for Marijuana, founding director of Compassionate Idaho, Idaho NORML, and the Idaho HOPEFest.


They shouldn’t have been terribly hard for the police to find if they were inclined to hunt them down as heinous criminals. They’re names and addresses were likely all over the place. It’s one of the risks one takes when deciding to take a stand on an issue like the legalization of marijuana, where enlightenment comes one state at a time, one police department at a time. 

Why the Boise police chose that day to raid the Rhinehart’s home isn’t said, but the fact that they were away makes the timing curious. The fact that the only adult there was a baby sitter with the children too. And the fact that it wasn’t only the Rhinehart’s children, but the children of a fellow activist as well, seems especially interesting. 

In the scheme of grave injustices, one can argue which is worse. Is it the beatings or maimings?  Is it a killing or the humiliation of having an officer insert a hand into a woman’s vagina on the public roadside.  There are no shortage of grave injustices, and while most people believe the one they endured to be the most horrible, there is no real need to argue the hierarchy of which is worse. They are all wrong, and there is no reason to compete.

But this raid stinks of the deliberate intent to seize the Rhinehart’s and Caldwell’s children.  The cops came with Child Protective Services in tow. These activists didn’t hide in the shadows like the anonymous tough guys of the internet, but put their names to their beliefs and made themselves open targets in the War on Drugs.

It’s no stretch to suppose that the police knew the parents were off while the children remained behind.  Not alone. Not without care. But without a parent present to call a neighbor, a relative, someone to take custody of their children if the parents were arrested. 

That the police believe in their holy war against these heinous marijuana activists presents one issue, an issue with which a great many people disagree. But that they seized their children and hold them hostage as part of their battle plan is an outrage.  Forget the benign rhetoric used by the government when it comes to children, like the dubiously named Child Protective Services.  Forget the way politicians appeal to our emotion by tossing about the “do it for the children” argument whenever they want to crush another right or criminalize half the population.

The children of the Rhineharts and Sarah Caldwell were kidnapped by the police as a weapon in the war.  They are a bargaining chip to shut the activists down and put them away.  Had these children been taken by anyone else, there would be a thousand person hunt for their whereabouts. Instead, they will face a grueling battle with a system designed to impose a Puritan’s vision of proper child-rearing.



“They are heartbroken and just want their babies back,” Frank said. “Unfortunately, it’s a long, drawn-out process once CPS has them in custody.



“All three of these dedicated cannabis warriors are physically disabled, and receive very little to no income, and absolutely zero income from any of their volunteer efforts in cannabis reform,” Frank said. “They are all in need of help to retain both family law and criminal law attorneys.


They can fight the battle for marijuana reform. They should have realized that they risked arrest at any moment. This is the price of taking a stand.  But having the state kidnap their children and hold them for ransom wasn’t part of the deal.  Fight with the parents all you want, but leave the children out of it. Do it for the children.

H/T Radley Balko

Fun With Numbers

In perhaps the most ridiculously insipid story to ever grace the pages of the ABA Journal, Debra Cassens Weiss writes about a law firm whose grasp of social media is so fundamentally poor that they are offering prizes for Facebook “likes.” 


The firm’s founders are trying to raise its visibility with a social media campaign that includes “thank you Thursdays” offering prizes for “likes,” the Daily Herald reports. One recent prize was a three-month membership at a local gym.
Some wags spoke ill of the ABA Journal for posting such a story, saying it must have been a slow news day. And worse. But not me. I appreciated Weiss’ post, because it informed me that the void in lawyers’ grasp of social media continues unabated. Without this story, how would I know of yet another law firm who thinks that meaningless “likes,” the sort of thing that brings joy to every 12-year-old in need of validation, is the path to success?

Which brings me to  Jamison Koehler’s post about being solicited by Avvo, the one-time claimant to the next generation of lawyer ratings which has since admitted that it’s nothing more than another marketing scheme.


Some marketing guy from Avvo called me the other day, and I shut him down the same way I shut down most marketers: I told him I am so swamped with business that I couldn’t possibly take on one more case.
Each of us has our own preferred method of shutting down cold calls. Jamie has his. Mine is to tell them how fascinated I am with their solicitation, and then quietly hang up the phone so that they launch into their pitch and continue talking until they eventually realize that I’ve long since hung up. To each his own.

Jamison then explains what disturbs him about the Avvo marketing claims.


For example:  Avvo claims that my profile was “seen” by 1,566 “potential clients over the past 30 days.  I have no idea what it means to be “seen”:  Does this mean that my profile came up on 1,566 searches for a criminal defense lawyer in D.C. or Virginia?  Or that someone actually clicked through to my profile?

If I averaged 1,500 views a month over that time period, which is just under the number they say I had for the last 30 days, that would come to 63,000 “potential clients” who had seen my profile. And yet, as far as I know, I have not had a single person even contact me through my Avvo profile, much less decide to hire me.  “I found you through Avvo” is something I have never once heard.
From this, he invokes the maxim, Falsus in uno, falsus in omnibus.  Jamie has the benefit of some experience with social media marketing, knowing that the only number that matters is that reflecting the number of potential clients, those who seek his services, those who seek services in his practice area, and those who have the ability to retain him, matter. After doing in-depth calculations, he arrives at the grand total: zero.

I have previously admitted to being  retained once by someone who found me on Avvo. That was in 2009.  It hasn’t happened since, though there have been plenty of calls and emails from people who found me on Avvo, but not “potential clients.”  There are no shortage of people using social media to get free answers to questions, inquire as to my interest in their pro bono representation, demand a free consultation about their public urination case in Oswego (“you do go to Oswego, right?”).  How Jamison avoids these calls is beyond me.

Lawyers are grasping at straws, closing their eyes and clicking their heels, to find a magic path to success. They cling to the numbers because it seems as if they ought to mean something.  My buddy Kevin O’Keefe is constantly noting how many users there are of Twitter, LinkedIn, Facebook, whatever.  The implicit assumption is that if there are numbers, there must be business. 

One would hope lawyers, purportedly smart enough to entrust with the lives and fortunes of others, would be able to parse the concept better, but empty stomachs make for empty heads.  Lawyers fall for illogical arguments fast, often expecting the inheritance from their Nigerian royal ancestors any day now.  And they will listen to the Avvo pitch without the benefit of Jamison’s experience.

As for me, I plan to “like” that law firm in the ABA Journal story. No, I won’t refer a case to them. Not that I would have anyway, but this story puts to rest any suspicion that they can be trusted.  But if they want to give me a prize for something as absurd as a Facebook “like,” I’ll take it. 

Prison Nation: Assume Nothing

At PrawfsBlawg, John Pfaff posts a graph that sucks the air out of the room.

Fig1
We tend to address the explosion in prison population as a direct result of the War on Drugs, and it’s a foundational argument to end the war.  Pfaff raises some issues:

Today, the US is home to about 5% of the world’s prisoners population, but nearly 25% of its prisoners. Our prison-and-jail incarceration rate* of 756 (in 2011) is the highest in the world . The countries filling out the top ten (in descending order) are Russia, Cuba, Belarus, Belize, Georgia (the country—the state has a higher rate), Kazakhstan, Suriname, South Africa, Botswana, Israel, Ukraine, and Chile; Russia’s rate of 629** putting it in the number 2 slot.

Like all zombie ideas, the claim linking the War on Drugs to this explosion has some facial plausibility. The surge in incarceration and the War on Drugs started around the same time (if you use the Reagan Administration, not the Nixon one, as the starting point for the War on Drugs). And between 1980 and 2009, the number of prisoners incarcerated on drug offenses rose by approximately 1,175%! 

But like with all zombies, cracks in the argument become quickly apparent. Take the 1,175% number. In 1980, there were 19,000 drug inmates in state prison, a number which soared to 242,200 in 2009. And yes, that means there are more people in prison today for drug crimes than were in prison in 1972 for all crimes (around 200,000).


But in 2009, there were over 1.36 million people in state prison. And 242,200 is only 17.7% of 1.36M. So a lot of non-drug offenders were added to prison during those years, too—a lot more, in fact, than drug offenders.

There are some gaps in the reasoning, such as the contention that drug addicts, in order to feed their habits, engage in property crime to get the money for drugs. There are drug dealers fighting over turf, which produces violent crime. In other words, drug crime isn’t limited to the possession or sale of narcotics, but all the ancillary conduct that flows from it, and a million drug addicts can do an awful lot of damage.

While the stats don’t make all the distinctions that one might want, and may well leave open the question of whether drugs, and the War on Drugs, plays a larger role than the statistics show, the point remains that our outrageous prison population cannot be explained, not by a long shot, as a by-product of drugs.

The other explanation, of course, is that it is a by-product of our embrace of “tough on crime” politics, where no sentence is long enough, no crime punished harshly enough, so satisfy the public or quell politicians cries for more crimes and longer sentences.


Consider the following thought experiment. What would US prison populations in 2009 look like if in 1980 we released all 23,900 prisoners serving time for drug offenses (the 19,000 state prisoners plus 4,900 federal drug inmates) and proceeded to admit no prisoners for drug crimes in the subsequent years? Instead of rising 3.8-fold, it would have risen 3-fold. A difference, but not an enormous one.
My pal  Gideon has been doing yeoman’s work pounding home the point that there, in a prison cell, but for the grace of God, go each of us.  We are them. We are one bad turn, one mistake, one falsely accused mistake, away from becoming one of these statistics. 

But then, until it touches our lives, the  Aaron Swartz phenomenon to use a recent example, people neither know nor care.  And even when someone we know and care about falls into the clutches of the monster we’ve created, myopia prevents us from recognizing that it’s not a fluke, attributable to one especially over-zealous prosecutor or one particularly vague law.

While the Swartz case, and his suicide, might have served to enlighten a generation of geeks as to a legal system that has been locking people away for absurdly long periods, it instead devolved to a misguided fantasy where the system was generally fine, but in that one instance went bad.  Instead of enlightening, the efforts of well-intended by ignorant people diverted attention from the real problems. 

It was a terrible shame that the opportunity to make a substantial segment of the population more knowledgeable was lost.  And make no mistake, it was lost.  The discussion surrounding the Swartz suicide was grossly misguided and clearly wrong, and yet those who cared about Swartz suffered a devastating bout of Dunning-Kruger Syndrome.

For the most part, the only instances of crime-related information that is widely disseminated is the stuff that makes our blood boil, that makes us want to increase sentences, impose life plus cancer, hate the criminal and demand that more be done. Every dead child breeds a call for a new crime. Every tragedy turns into a marketing opportunity to fill prison cells, because the prisons aren’t full enough.

And as much as those of us concerned with, and knowledgeable about, the system know how misguided this is, we must stop denying that majority of Americans don’t applaud these measures. How many more politicians will glide to office on promises of life in prison for jaywalkers?

As marijuana laws change, and they clearly appear to be changing, this graph suggests that it won’t change America from being the world’s foremost jailor. Sure, ending the War on Drugs matters and will help, but it won’t solve the problem.  Until we stop sentencing people to 10 years where one will do, it won’t stop. And until people stop calling for blood every time a new story of crime or tragedy appears in the media, it won’t stop.  And because no one else see it, or gives a damn, it’s left to use to keep pounding this message home.

It may not work?  Very true. But giving up and watching silently as Prison Nation persists is not an option.

Barred or Barred?

In the Empire State, we refer to lawyers who are authorized to practice law as “admitted.”  Whenever someone used the word “barred,” my mind immediately envisions an iron gate making it impossible to get through.  As in, the lawyer was barred from any public place where pleasant people congregate.

In other locales, the word “barred” means that a person is admitted to the bar. Weird locales to a New York lawyer’s ear.

But what makes it even weirder is when the lawyer refers to those locales as the places where they find and represent clients, even though they are neither admitted nor barred.  That’s because lawyers, whether you like it or not, are only authorized to be lawyers in places where they have been barred. Or admitted, if you come from a place where people don’t talk funny.

This is a fairly fundamental aspect to being a lawyer.  Just as a cop is only a cop in the geographical area of his employment, authorized by law to make split-second decisions that elsewhere would assure him a murder charge, a lawyer can only practice law where the sanctioning authority says he can. Practicing law in places where a lawyer is unauthorized is a pretty clear wrong, much like raiding an escrow account because that new car is calling your name.  Even the ABA, in rule 5.5, admits as much, and they are certainly the last carry the torch of arcane ethical rules.

One would think that the disciplinary authority of jurisdictions where a person engaged in the unauthorized practice of law would take something so obvious pretty seriously.  After all, if they don’t keep a lid on who gets to hang around their jurisdiction claiming to be a lawyer, then what’s to stop anybody from doing so?  And if anybody can do so, then the public would be deceived and led to seek legal advice from people of dubious competence and devoid of ethics, and the bar associations wouldn’t get their dues paid. It would be a disaster all around.

Which led me to ponder the significance of this  description of a law practice.


She is barred to practice law in New York and New Jersey–but she lives in South Dakota with her husband and one year-old daughter. She services clients living everywhere from Bangladesh and Costa Rica to California and Florida.
Nobody is “barred” in New York and New Jersey, where local custom is to call it “admitted,” the first give-away that something is amiss.  The rules of admission, the lawfulness of practicing law if you will, do not seem to strike home here. To add to the issue, New Jersey has rather stringent physical office requirements. A quick click on the New Jersey lawyer registration records puts this lawyer in Phoenix, Arizona, which isn’t too often confused with Fargo.

The notion of authorization to practice law being limited by geography is very old school to new lawyers.  Even the  Cato Institute thinks it’s time to scrap it, if only to reduce lawyers fees by making lawyers compete nationwide.  I’m disinclined to go with the convenient flow on this one, until someone comes up with a way to make lawyers sufficiently competent in the law and procedure of 51 jurisdictions to safeguard clients.  Of course, if the lawyer is sufficiently superficial, then the differences between jurisdictions don’t really matter that much; they are relatively incompetent in all jurisdictions, making the unauthorized practice of law the least of the problems.

The rationale for eschewing such archaic rules as this is two-fold. First, that the internet has changed everything, by making it easy for anyone to promote themselves online to people anywhere and everywhere, and shouldn’t a person be entitled to take money from anyone willing to give it?

The second is that old lawyers, the ones who think there is some merit in ethical rules for lawyers, tend to hate anything new and anyone who has found a better way.  We fear the new, as the young will steal our business by being smarter, cuter, cooler and more cutting edge.  Ethics rules exist to keep them down, to oppress them and prevent them from seizing upon new ideas, new technologies that take away our edge of experience and shift the mojo.  We must hate them for ruining our perfect lawyer world.

It strikes me that while their rationale is silly, as what the post describes as a “successful practice” wouldn’t be sufficient to support my addiction to three regular meals, there is a point to their cutting edge efforts. If it’s cool with the disciplinary authorities in New York, New Jersey, South Dakota, California, Florida and Costa Rica (assuming they have anything remotely similar to what we have), then why shouldn’t this lawyer be able to engage in the unauthorized practice of law?

Either it’s a good rule, in which case the sanctioning bodies need to enforce it, or it’s not, in which case they ought to cross it off the books.  But as long as it remains a basic rule of being a lawyer, some of us will adhere to it because we feel compelled to honor our ethical requirements. 

So which is it, guys?  Am I barred from representing folks any damn place I want or not?  If things like the unauthorized practice of law are too old school to bother with, let’s clear this up and quell the commotion. Either way, get off your tired old butts and deal with this.

Elvis Has Left The Courthouse

As someone point out on twitter, people who were  critical of the Redditors who started wild accusations against innocent people for the Boston Marathon bombing should be similarly critical of the government for having wrongly arrested Elvis impersonator Paul Curtis on charged he sent letters to government officials, including President Obama, that contained the poison ricin.

It’s not quite the same thing, but the point is duly noted. The government was dead wrong. Curtis is completely innocent. Another front page accusation down the tubes.

From the New York Times :

This month, Mr. Obama; Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi; and Sadie Holland, a Lee County judge, received threatening letters postmarked Memphis and filled with a white powder. Tests confirmed it was ricin, a poison made from castor beans that can be lethal.

The letters read: “Maybe I have your attention now even if that means someone must die. This must stop. To see a wrong and not expose it, is to become a silent partner to its continuance.” They were signed: “I am KC and I approve this message,” a phrase that Mr. Curtis had used on his Facebook page.

According to a senior federal law enforcement official, the authorities were first drawn to Mr. Curtis because the language used in the letters was strikingly similar to language he had used before in letters to elected officials.

When trying to find a needle in a haystack, you use whatever presents itself. Angry words, unusual phrasing, that leads investigators to an individual offer a pretty strong indication of the sender. And Curtis turned out to be an odd duck, aside from his chosen occupation.  He had a “long history of mental illness, including bipolar disorder,” according to his family and friends. Just the sort of person to do something, well, crazy.

Except he didn’t.


Mr. Curtis, a party entertainer who dresses and sings as Elvis, Prince, Johnny Cash, Bon Jovi and others, had been in jail since Wednesday. He said he had never even heard of ricin. “I thought they said rice,” he said. “I said I don’t even eat rice.”

On Monday, an F.B.I. agent, Brandon Grant, said that investigators had not found ricin or ingredients for making it while searching Mr. Curtis’s house or vehicle. The F.B.I.’s search of Mr. Curtis’s computer found no evidence that he researched making ricin, Mr. Grant said.

Last Wednesday, he was the ricin mailer. Seven days later, he was just another bipolar celebrity impersonator smeared in the media across the country who didn’t commit the crime.

Just as Curtis’ words in his Facebook account, like his letters to public officials, struck the feds as familiar, so too does his arrest, public smearing and subsequent release.  Richard Jewell, anyone?

But the system worked this time, right?  Charges against Curtis were dismissed and he thanked the prosecutors for cutting him loose.  So if Curtis was cool with his week in the government’s crosshairs, the media’s meat grinder, who are we (am I?) to make a big deal of this?

The problem doesn’t begin or end with Curtis, curious and colorful fellow though he may be.  Had the feds found anything that could remotely have been used to manufacture poison, or perhaps a weapon of mass destruction, defined by Congress as anything that goes “boom,” chances are that the prosecutors wouldn’t have been nearly as sanguine about dismissing the charges.  

More importantly, given the absence of any hard evidence that Curtis was the ricin mailer, might the government have taken a bit more time before arresting him in the first place?  Sure, high profile events call for immediate response, lest the people think the feds impotent and incompetent.  On TV, people are caught, prosecuted and sentenced before the hour is up, with commercials. The government wouldn’t want people to think any less of them in real life.

And having prematurely arrested Curtis, it becomes plain how the government’s efforts are directed not at following whatever investigative leads present themselves, but gathering evidence solely directed toward convicting the person they caught. Catch first, prove later. And if the wrong person is caught, that person not only continues to breath free air and think of new evil ideas, but can rest assured that any evidence pointing his way will be ignored or buried, since the one thing the government hates to do is find evidence that the person in custody is the wrong person. Stuff like that, like Brady, can really screw up the likelihood of conviction.

Still, Curtis suffered from being charged with a high profile offense.  Anything involving the President of the United States makes the papers.  But the investigation that led to his arrest, his mistaken arrest, bore the same hallmarks as the tools used by the government in deciding who the criminal is in other cases.  Except in high profile cases, they try to do it better because a lot of people are watching and they don’t want to look foolish.

In other cases, where there are no reporters asking questions and aside from the suspect’s family and a friend or two, similar investigative techniques are used but without nearly this much effort to get it right.  Nor is it likely that the government would have been quite as accommodating when its effort to find proof, post arrest, failed so miserably.  Instead, there was  always the tried and true method of pounding the rhetoric to make what little they had seem overwhelming, to smear the defendant with mental illness which proves nothing but prejudices him in the eyes of the public, and see whether they can slip it past a judge and even a jury.

Much to the surprise of many, chances are pretty darn good that even such a flimsy case would have been enough for a jury to convict. Contrary to surmise, juries tend to embrace the government’s position, because they wouldn’t prosecute if he wasn’t guilty.  Either way, Elvis would leave the courthouse, but this time he was lucky to head home rather than a metropolitan correctional center. This time.